liar, and his celebrated diary is on many occasions almost a work of
fiction. But this still leaves the question of why Wilson deluded him-
self about House for so long. And if House was a stooge, it is no credit
to Wilson to say he needed such an adviser. On the issue of President
Wilson's health, Cooper's account will need to be supplemented with
Dr. Michael F. Marmor's thesis that the chief executive was probably
not a stroke victim before 1 919.
Because this volume will likely have an impact on Progressive Era
scholarship, some mistakes should be corrected in future editions.
There are a number of errors in quotations from Roosevelt's letters.
Also, Roosevelt died in the early morning of January 6, 1919, not
January 5 (pp. 226, 334), William D. Crum was named collector of
customs for Charleston in 1903, not 1905 (p. 210), and 128 Americans
died on the Lusitania, not 198 (p. 269). Cooper says incorrectly that
Roosevelt was "in vigorous health until a few months before his death"
(p. 7) and then accurately describes his health as "poor" in 1917 (p.
325). In common with many historians, Cooper underrates both Wil-
liam McKinley and William Howard Taft. McKinley, for example, is-
sued trial balloons to the press before Roosevelt employed that strate-
gem, and Taft was more important than Cooper allows in both 1908
and 1912. The Warrior and the Priest is a book for students of presi-
dents, reform, and American politics to read and ponder.
The University of Texas at Austin LEwis L. GOULD
Texans, Politics and the New Deal. By Lionel V. Patenaude. (New
York: Garland Publishing Company, Inc., 1983. Pp. 237. Fore-
word, footnotes, index. $27.)
Although John Nance Garner is the leading figure in this book,
the author is probably overestimating Garner's importance. With the
1932 Democratic convention looming, Garner is touted as having
"strong support . . . throughout the United States" (p. 11), which
seems at odds with Garner's unusual "strategy" (p. 14) of doing
nothing outside of Texas and California. Patenaude also asserts that
Vice-President Garner and Majority Leader Sam Rayburn "drasti-
cally" affected "the course and conduct of the New Deal" (p. 53), in-
cluding the legislation of the first hundred days. All these early bills,
however, would have passed overwhelmingly with or without the sup-
port of Garner and Rayburn. Beyond Rayburn's battle for the Public
Utilities Holding Company Act, there is little evidence of either man's
influence on New Deal legislation. Much space is also devoted to
Texas State Historical Association. The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Volume 88, July 1984 - April, 1985. Austin, Texas. The Portal to Texas History. http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth101210/. Accessed April 19, 2014.