The Texas Miner, Volume 1, Number 32, August 25, 1894 Page: 7
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THE TEXAS MINER.
7
baseball bat. Another thing which took away from the encoun-
ter much of the brutality was the fact that the boys were each
too weak and young to do any injury to any one; then, too, they
■were fast friends, "pards," as they say, and only got $10 apiece.
The truth of all of these statements can be easily verified by the
editor of the Mail, and then he can tell the public why he tried
the game of deception which he did. We do not say that the
editor of the Mail was there, we didn't see him; but we heard
that he was present
The Miner is.opposed to pugilism, and is not afraid to say so;
if the Mail is of the same sentiment, let her come out and say so,
too, not pretend to be to the better element of its readers and
wink at the gamblers and "pugs'' with the other eye at the ease
Avith which they "fool 'em." Tarrant.
THE INCOME TAX.
THAT portion of the new tariff bill which relates to the in-
come tax is not to take effect until January i, 1895, and
will not be continued after January 1, 1900. It provides that a
tax of 2 per cent shall be levied upon all personal incomes above
$4000 per year—that is to say, on the excess of incomes over
that amount; and the assessment will be upon the income for the
calendar year preceding that in which the tax is collected. Ev-
ery person having an income of not less than $3500 is required
to make a return thereof, and there is a 50 per cent penalty for
neglect or refusal to do so. It is further provided that'the same
rate of tax shall be levied upon the incomes of corporations in
excess of operating expenses. Charitable, religious and educa-
tional associations are excepted, as are States, counties and
municipalities, building and loan companies, mutual insurance
companies, and savings banks having no stockholders and re-
ceiving no more than $1000 in a year from any one depositor.
The various clauses for the prevention and punishment of fraud
are plain and severe, and the chances of evasion are reduced to
the lowest possible point. It is quite likely, therefore, that this
feature of the Democratic revenue policy will be strictly enforced,
and that those having taxable incomes will not be able to escape
any part of the burden.
THE DEMOCRATIC FUTURE.
IT is easy to understand that the breaches which have occurred
in the Democratic party since it was restored to power are
not such as can be expected to disappear. They are of a nature
that is calculated to breed further trouble rather than to pass
away by mutual kindness and conciliation. There are m t only
vital differences of opinion and purpose to be seen, but there is
also a condition of pronounced and bitter personal antagonism.
The difficulty began in the first month of the new Administra-
tion. Cleveland started out with characteristic prejudice against
those Senators and other prominent Democrats who had opposed
or failed to promote his nomination at Chicago, and with an evi-
dent determination to disregard- their wishes and frustrate their
enterprises. He might have placated them and made them his
friends if he had cared to cultivate amicable relations with them;
but he preferred to snub and defy them, and the result was that
they formed a compact to resist and humiliate him. They have
not at any time been willing to carry out any of his desires if
they could help it, and he has not sought on his part to gain
their assistance in any other than an intimidating and coercive
way.
A conflict of this kind cannot be settled by the triumph of
either side in any trial of strength. Cleveland came out ahead
in die silver matter, but that did not cause the Senators to stack
their arms and relinquish the fight; and now that the Senators
have triumphed in the tariff matter, it is not to be supposed that
Cleveland will sue for peace and become amiable instead of ar-
rogant. The probability is that the struggle will be renewed
whenever a pretext arises, and that harmony is not to be antici-
pated during the rest of Cleveland's term. It is an unfortunate
state of things, not only for the Democratic party, but also for
the country. Legislation of an important character will have to
wait upon the adjustment of intervening quarrels, and the inter-
ests of commerce and industry will be constantly at the mercy of
disturbing and detrimental forces. This is what it means to have
Democratic rule. There is no definite assurance as to what will
or will not be done. The policy of the Administration does not
command the support necessary to give it practical effect; and
those who improve every opportunity to obstruct and disparage
it are equally powerless to accomplish any affirmative result. It
is a situation that gives no promise of substantial improvement,
and the people may as well make up their minds that so long as
the Democrats retain control of the Government it is useless to
look for the sensible and satisfactory transaction of the public
business.—[Exchange.
THE DEATH OF THE "POPGUN" BILLS.
THE "popgun" bills are dead. "Drowndead," as Mr. Peg-
gotty said of his brother Joe.
Seventeen Democratic Senators were all that could be mus-
tered to make a final stand for free sugar, free iron and free
coal.
What, then, has Mr. Wilson gained by forcing the Senate to
go on record?
It has gone on record; and the result is that the whole country
knows now to a certainty that not one-half of the Democratic
Senators are now, or were at any time heretofore, ready to vote
for any of these free things.
The Administration organs have been trying to tell us for three
months past that it was only Senators Gorman, Brice and Smith
who stood in the way of an untaxed sugar bowl and that uncon-
ditional emancipation of soft coal and iron ore, for which New
England manufacturers generally, and Hon. William C. Whitney
in particular, have been sighing.
But the votes by which the "popgun" bills were put to sleep on
Thursday, not to be awakened until Mr. Gorman thinks proper—
which means never.—-put it beyond controversy that it was not
Gorman, Brice and Smith, but twenty-three other Democratic
Senators, equally hostile as they are to "free raw materials," who
made it impossible to lead American industries to the slaughter
in the wholesale way Mr. Wilson had planned.
There were forty-three Democratic Senatorial votes cast for
the Gorman tariff bill, and only seventeen for the three "pop-
gun" bills. The other twenty-six Senators either voted against
their consideration, or did not vote at all.
Now ring down the Congressional curtain and give the busi-
ness of the country a chance!—[Exchange.
NO WONDER THE SOUTH LOST.
THE Southern idea of pie is exteemely crude when applied to
that succulent Northern dish, and subtly refined when di-
rected to the political variety. The furthest development in the
pie line that the native Southerner has attained is to a manufac-
ture of sweet potatoes, which is a State's-prison counterfeit and
forgery of the New England pumpkin pie; and even that base
imitation has obtained foothold no farther south than South
Carolina.
Congressman Crain, of Texas, says that the people of Texas
regard the pie family as Caesar regarded Gaul: divided into three
kinds, "the kivered, the unkivered, and the cross-barred."
"I overheard some years ago," said he, "a great debate be-
tween a Northern printer and a Southern compositor on the sub-
ject of the late war. The Southerner was hot, impetuous, and
sentimental; the Northern champion calm, cool and even phleg-
matic."
•"Why, didn't we lick you out of your boots at Manassas?'
" 'Granted,' said the Northern type-sticker.
" 'Didn't we smash you at Cold Harbor and wipe up the
ground with you in the Wilderness?'
" -Granted,' said the other.
" 'Didn't we tie you all up in knots and make rags of you all
through the Peninsular campaign?1
"'Granted,' said the Northerner, 'but how was it at ApDO-
mattox?'
" -Yes, how was it at Appomattox!' shouted the Southerner,
growing sentimental as the mingled beers and whiskeys they
were consuming rose to his head. 'We had 13,000 poor,
ragged, footsore, tired, starved veterans, without a single round
of ammunition, while you had 300,000 fat, sassy soldiers, pro-
vided with every luxury, and ev-every m-m-mother's s-son of
'em,' he sobbed, 'plumb f-full of pie!' "—[Washington Post.
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McAdams, Walter B. The Texas Miner, Volume 1, Number 32, August 25, 1894, newspaper, August 25, 1894; Thurber, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth200479/m1/7/: accessed April 19, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Tarleton State University.