The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session Page: 241
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CONGRESSIONAL. GLOBE.
*ۥ
PUBLISHED BY BLAIR AND RIVES, AT ONE DOLLAR PER SESSION, IN ADYANCE.
28th Cong 2d Sess.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1845.
Volume 14....No. 15.
[Continued from JVb. 14.]
They had been told yesterday that there was a war
spirit in the country; but the spirit he thought most
dangerous was the inclination that he had witnessed
to violate the most solemn treaties. There was a
tendency in the public mind to acquire foreign ter-
ritory, without stopping to ask whether we are do-
ing it consistently with the rights of other nations.
Within a short period this House had adopted
a proposition, asserting its jurisdiction over a large
territory, [Texas,] over which we haye no claim or
title, violating our treaties with Mexico, which have
been in force for years. Mr. H. then spoke in
terms of severe sensure of the course which had
for years been pursued by our government towards
Mexico, and which had placed us in a most con-
temptible attitude in the eyes of the civilized world.
It only remained to pass this bill to complete the
disgrace of the country. If they proceeded to pass
this bill in disregard of our most solemn treaty stip-
ulations, we should be so degraded in the eyes of
every_ foreign power that it would be considered an
idle formality to enter into negotiations with us,
vvhen we have so little regard for our treaty obliga-
tions. Mr. H. then deprecated the spirit of bound-
less acquisition, which was rising in the country,
and expressed the opinion* that we had as much
territory as we could well manage. Instead of
adding more territory, he would greatly prefer that
we should legislate for the improvement of the
country, and for the advancement of the happiness
and prosperity of the people. If the spirit of ac-
quisition was not checked, he did not know what it
would lead to. Many of the people in his section
of the country had taken up the idea of annexing
Canada to the United States, and he had a lctu r
now urging that measure.
Mr. TIBBATTS and several others. Read that
letter.
Mr. THOMPSON desired to know if the peo-
ple of Canada wished to be annexed to the United
States.
Mr. HUNT said that we have as much evidence
that Canada desire to be annexed to us, as we have
that Texas desires it. [Laughter.] Only pass a bill
to annex Canada, and there will be as much evidence
of their desire to be annexed to the United States as
there is of that desire on the part of Texas.
He, however, knew there was a conservative spirit
among our people, wluch, lie trusted, would coun-
teract the spirit of aggrandizement, which was ex-
hibiting itself; and he relied, also, on the co-ordinate
branch of this government to check that spirit, and
to defeat another measure which had recently passed
this body.
Mr. Ti. J. MORRIS thought this question should
be so settled at this Congress as to produce a final
result of all questions in relation to this subject be-
tween this government and Great Britain; but yet
he felt that he could not vote for this bill, unless it
was materially modified. He had no doubt of our
title to the -19th degree of north latitude, and be-
yond that he had 110 doubt our title could be made
clear in a court of justice. Our title rests on the va-
lidity of the Spanish government—which he exam-
ined at some length, as also the discoveries of our
own navigators. The settlements, too, as elements
of title, were in our favor—the first being made by
a Spaniard, and the second by John Jacob Astor,
who held possession until lie was dispossessed by
the British government, during the war. As an ar-
gument in favor of prompt, action on this subject, lie
spoke of the grasping ambition >>f England, and the
possessions which she holds in every quarter of the
globe. He said there was an embryo East In-
dia Company in the Oregon—tiie Hudson's Bay
Company, whose pretence was trade, hunting, and
trapping, but whose agents prevented our citizens
from enjoying the equal advantages which joint oc-
cupancy would seem to secuie, and gave British
subjects the exclusive possession of that territory.
He protested, in the name of the American people,
against the monopoly of that country by Great
Britain. She had enough in this world, and
yet her progress was onward, aiming at
universal domination; and she should be taught
that Americans would not acknowledge or submit
to her guardianship of their interests and their pos-
sessions. He doubted, however, if any settlement
could be effected by negotiation. We had long ne-
gotiated, and we were as far from a settlement as
ever; and until the title and boundary were settled,
he saw no good that was to be done by the passage
of this bill. It was here proposed to establish a ter-
ritorial government; but over whom? What was the
population of Oregon? Some two thousand or three
thousand American citizens, wandering and unset-
tled, who might not have made up their minds to stay
there; and yet it was desired to give them a govern-
ment of a settled people. Let the people of Oregon
take care of themselves, and try the effect of a pure
democracy, to which we were verging with fearful
rapidity. Why should we trouble ourselves with
the expense of such a government, which would in-
volve an increase of our navy and army? He be-
lieved, with the gentleman from New York, [Mr.
Hunt,] that the passage of this bill might lead to
hostilities with Great Britain.
He was afraid, if war should «nsue upon the pas-
sage of this bill, not only that the hazardous attempt
to defend this long line of frontier, and this vast ex-
tent of territory, would be commensurate in the ex-
pense arising out of it with the resources of the gov-
ernment; but that if war should come suddenly
after the passage of an act like this, we should
have no chance of so enlarging our army and navy
as to secure that country and successfully defend it.
If, then, there be good ground of apprehending war
on the passage of this bill, why would gentlemen
peril the maintenance of Oregon? Why render it
more hazardous even than past negotiations had
rendered it? He spoke of the vast importance of
Oregon, considering both its location on the map of
the world, its natural resources, and means of com-
munication, and said it was our duty to procuro that
American country either for a people of the Ameri-
can race, or of similar spirit and enterprise. There
was no reason why it should become an appanage
of the British government.
lie was sincerely in favor of establishing our
right and title to Oregon, which he believed clear,
valid, and beyond dispute, if the evidences of that
title were to be believed. While thus a friend of
Oregon—while he desired to see it populated by em-
igrants from this country, while he desired to see
emigration encouraged thither, and to see a republic
like our own growing up there, (for he did not en-
tertain the selfish idea that it would ever become a
part of the American confederacy,) he believed it to
be our duty to raise up and protect that country if
its people were not able to defend themselves; and
when they had passed the period of infancy, leave
them to go on an independent and friendly govern-
ment. He did not believe it one of the characteris-
tics of republican governments to seek to extend
themselves over a wide extent of territory. He did
not wish to peril the preservation of our Union by
crossing the barriers which nature had erected be-
tween us and tins country. We knew very well
that one of the causes, and an important cause, of
the destruction of the Greek republics, lay in the
character of the country—its inhabitants being di-
vided by insurmountable mountain barriers, on the
different sides of which resided people of different
tastes, feelings, and habits. Nature had planted a
barrier beyond which we could not march—the
Rocky mountains, with their height of 20,000 feet,
a bold range running from the remote north, and
prolonging themselves to the end of the continent.
Still lie protested against any neglect on the part of
tins country which should suffer that country to fall
into the hands of European governments. He en-
tertained an ardent desire for some proposition
which might provoke a final settlement of this
great question. He regarded the bill before us as a
bill merely of executive patronage—as a bill of un-
necessary expense, when the people of that Territo-
ry did not need it. The population of this Territo-
ry having swollen to such a number as to need
some such form of government, he would go for ex-
tending it to them, but not till then.
Mr. DOUGLASS obtained the floor, and yielded
to
Mr. A- V. BROWN, who gave notice of a fur-
ther amendment as a proviso to the third section,
which was read by the clerk.
Mr. DOUGLASS referred to the vast importance
of the question before them; and of the Oregon Ter-
ritory, which, together with the question of Texas,
had a deeper hold on the affections and feelings of
the people than any other question that had been
before the country for years. A,fter the passage by
so decided a majority of the Texas bill, he had sup-
posed that this bill for the extension of our govern-
ment over Oregon, and for the protection^our
people there, would have received the unanimous
sanction ofthis House. It was true that no gentler
man had intimated a doubt as to our title to Ore-
gon; yet they were opposed to action, to carrying
our laws and our institutions to our people there;
and he asked what was the use of acknowledging
our rights, unless we were prepared to use the
means necessary to assert them successfully.
Mr. D. referred to the positions taken by Mr.
Morris. If the gentleman was right, as he said
he was, in saying that our title to the whole country
was indubitable, that it was a part of the American
Union, it was not to be surrendered; and there being
people enough there to form a government, what
was the reason that this government could not be
formed for the protection of those people who were
a part of the government' He scouted the idea that
a bill of this kind was a mere bill for the purpose of
creating executive offices, and for providing for pres-
idential favorites.
But while the gentleman said this territory was
ours by indisputable title, which he would never re-
linquish, still he entertained no hope that that coun-
try was ever to form a part of the American con-
federacy. Was that gentleman here proclaiming to
the House and to the world his willingness and de-
sire to dissolve and rend asunder the American
Union? Yes, that gentleman had gone into an argu-
ment by reference to the resources of this country,
its advantages of location, &c. to show that it would
make a republic itself, separate and distinct from the
United States. Take that argument, and they got
the clue to the whole design the gentleman had in
passing this bill. The gentleman had avowed to
the House that his design was to keep it a separate
republic, on the pretext that there was a natural
boundary between the Oregon Territory and this re-
public; and then he had gone into a display of his
learning upon ancient Greece, and had maintained
that what in the western country would hardly
amount to a mound, was sufficient to separate the
people on one side from those on the other. The
same "principle (Mr. D. contended) would oblige the
gentleman to take the ground that ourUnion must be
dissolved and divided into various separate repub-
lics, by the Alleghanies, (which he said were much
more difficult of passage than the Rocky mountains,)
the Green, the White mountains, &c. Thegreat se-
cret of our success—the great advantage of our sys-
tem of government—was that it provided that dif-
ferent confederacies might be organized into the
same republic, divided into States with sovereign
powers for local and domestic purposes, but united
together for general power and common defence.
And thereby we boast of a union preserving peace
and harmony among all the members of the confed-
eracy, thus avoid ng those dissensions which have
proved the destruction of former republics. Our
system of government was as well adapted to the
whole American continent as it was to the thirteen
original States of the Union. At the formation of
our government, the objection was made that
our territory was too large, and the reply was
made by the father of the constitution, that that
teiritory was not too large for a republican
government, which admitted of bringing repre-
sentatives together from the exterior of that coun-
try at the seat of government, often enough to
attend the regular meetings of the national legisla-
ture . Apply that principle of Mr. Madison to the
present confederacy—including Oregon and every
other part of the country—and the improvements
that had been made, and which would be made in
ttie means of communication, by steam and other-
wise, brought the extreme parts of this continent
nearer together, in time at least, than the original
States were when this republic was formed. Yes-
the improvement to which he had alluded had'
shown that we might extend our republic safely t<j
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, legislative document, 1845; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2366/m1/241/: accessed April 18, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.