The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session Page: 7
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Dec. 1844.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
28th Cong 2d Sess.
Correspondence with Mexico and Texas.
Senate and H. of Reps-
armed with complete power to prevent or crush at
once all insurrectionary movements on the
part of the negroes, and able and disposed to
maintain to the full the political and social as-
cendency of the former masters over their former
slaves. It is not at all wonderful that the change
of the relations of master and slave took place,
under such circumstanccs, without violence and
bloodshed, and that order and peace should have
been since preserved. Very different would be the
result of abolition, should it be effected by her
influence and exertions in the possessions of other
countries on this continent—and especially in the
United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultiva-
tors of the principal tropical products of America.
To form a correct conception of what would be the
result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica,
but to St. Domingo, for example. The change
would bo followed by unforgiving hate between the
two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle
between them for the superiority. One or the other
would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled;
and desolation would overspread their territories, as
in St. Domingo, from which it would take centu-
ries to recover. The end would be, that the supe-
riority in cultivating the great tropical staples would
be transferred from them to the British tropical pos-
sessions.
They are of vast extent, and those beyond the
Cape of Good Hopo possessed of an unlimited
amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of Brit-
ish capital, to supply the deficit which would be
occasioned by destroying the tropical productions
of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other coun-
tries cultivated by slave labor on this continent, so
soon as the mcreuscd price, ill consequence, would
yield a profit. It is the successful competition of
that labor which keeps the prices of the great tropi-
cal staples so low as to prevent their cultivation
with profit in the possessions of Great Britain, by
what she is pleased to call free labor. If she can
destroy its competition, she would have a monop-
oly in those productions. She has all the means of
furnishing an unlimited supply: vast and fertile pos-
sessions in both Indies, boundless command of cap-
ital and labor, and ample power to suppress disturb-
ances, and preserve order throughout her wide do-
mains.
It is unquestionable that she regards the abolition
of slavery 111 Texas as a most important step to-
wards this great object of policy, so much the aim
of her solicitude and exertions; and th« defeat of the
annexation of Texas to our Union as indispensable
to the abolition of slavery there. She is too saga-
cious not to see what a latal blow it would give to
slavery in the United States, and how, certainly its
abolition with us would abolish it over the whole
continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in the
productions of the great tropical staples, and the
command of the commerce, navigation, and manu-
factures of tho world, with an cstnblislred^ naval
ascendency and political preponderance. To this
continent the blow would be calamitous beyond de-
scription. It would destroy, in a great measure, the
cultivation and production of the great tropical sta-
ples, amounting annually in value to nearly $300,000,-
000—the fund which stimulates and upholds almost
every other branch of its industry, commerce, navi-
gation, and manufactures. The whole, by their
joint influence, are rapidly spreading population,
wealth, improvement, and civilization over the
whole continent, and vivifying, by their overflow,
the industry of Europe; thereby increasing its popu-
lation, wealth, and advancement in the arts, in pow-
er, and in civilization.
Such must be the result, should Great Britain suc-
ceed in accomplishing the constant object of her
desire and exertions—the abolition of negro sla-
very over this continent; and towards the effect-
ing of which, she regards the defeat of the annexa-
tion of Texas to our Union so important. Can it
be possible that governments so enlightened and
sagacious as those of France and the other great
continental powers, can be so blinded by the
plea of philanthropy as not to see what must inevi-
tably follow, be her motive what it may, should
she succeed in her object: It is little short of
mockeiy to talk of philanthropy, with the examples
before us of the effects of abolishing negro slavery
ih her own colonies, in St. Domingo, and the north-
ern States of our Union, where statistical facts, not
to bs shaken, prove that the freed negro, after the
experience of sixty years, is in a far worse condition
than in the other States, where he has been left in
his former condition. Wo; t}je effect of what is call-
ed abolition, where the number is few, is not to raise
the inferior race to the condition of freemen, but to
deprive the negro of the guardian care of his owner,
subject to all the depression and oppression belong-
ing to his inferior condition. But, on the other
hand, where the number is great, and bears a large
proportion to the whole population, it would be still
worse. It would be to substitute for the existing
relation a deadly strife between the two races, to end
in the subjection, expulsion, or extirpation of one or
the other: and such would be the case over the great-
er part of this continent where negro slavery exists.
It would not end there; but would in all probability
extend, by its example, the war of races over all
South America, including Mexico, and extending to
the Indian as well as to the African race, and make
the whole one scene of blood and devastation.
Dismissing, then, the stale and unfounded plea of
philrr.thropy, can it be that France and the other
great continental powers—seeing what must be the
result of the policy, for the accomplishment of which
England is constantly exertingherself, and that tho
defeat of the annexation of Texas is so important
towards its consummation—are prepared to back or
countenance her in her efforts to effect either? What
possible motives can they have to favor her cherish-
ed policy? Is it not better for them that they should
be supplied with tropical products in exchange for
their laoor, from the United States, Brazil, Cuba,
and this continent generally, than to be dependent
on one great monopolizing power for their supply?
Is it not better that they should receive them at the
low prices which competition, cheaper means of
production, and nearness of market, would furnish
them by the former, than to give the high prices
which monopoly, dear labor, and great distance
from market, would impose? Is it not better that
their labor should be exchanged with a new conti-
nent, rapidly increasing in population and the ca-
pacity for consuming, and which would furnish, in
the course of a few generations, a market nearer to
them, and of almost unlimited extent, for the prod-
ucts of their industry and arts, than with old and
distant-regions, whose population has long since
reached Us growth?
The above contains those enlarged views of pol-
icy which, it seems to me, an enlightened European
statesman ought to take, in making up his opinion
on the subject of the annexation of Texas, and tho
grounds, as it may be inferred, on which England
vainly opposes it. They certainly involve consid-
erations of the deepest importance, and demanding
the greatest attention. Viewed in connection with
them, the question of annexation becomes one of
tho first magnitude, not only to Texas and the
United Stutes, but to this continent and Europe.
They are presented, that you may use them on all
suitable occasions, where you think they may be
with effect; in your correspondence, where it can be
done with propriety or otherwise. The President
relics with Confidence on your sagacity, prudence,
and zeal. Your mission is ono of the first magni-
tude at all times, but especially now; and he feels
ussured that nothing will be left undone on your part
to do justice to the country and the government in
reference to this great measure.
I have said nothing as to onr right of treating with
Texas, without consulting Mexico. You so fully
understand the grounds on which we rest our right,
and are so familiar with all the facts necessary to
maintain them, that it was thought necessary to add
anything in reference to it.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, J. C. CALHOUN.
William R. King, esq., &c.
Mr. Shannon to Mr. Calhoun.
[Extract ]
Mexico, Oct. 28, 1844.
Sir: Your despatch of the 10th September last
reached me on the 12th instant; and, in compliance
with your instructions, 1 lost no time in addressing
to the Minister of Foreign Relations of this gov-
ernment a communication expressive of the views of
the President of the United States in relation to a
renewal of the war on the part of Mexico against
Texas, and to the manner in which it is proposed
to be conducted. Accompanying this despatch, you
will find a copy of this communication, marked No.
1. 1 have received no reply, as yet, to this note, and
cannot say when one may be expected. President
Santa Anna is at his hacienda, near Jalapa; and
until he can be heard from, no reply will be given.
The uncertainty of the time when a reply will be
received has determined me to delay this despatch
no longer. -
# # # * * *
Mr. Shannon to Mr. Rejon.
INo. 1.1 Legation of the United States,
Mexico, October 14, 1844.
The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and min-
ister plenipotentiary of the United States of Amer-
ica, has the honor to inform his excellency M. C-
Rejon, minister of foreign relations and government
of the republics of Mexico, that the President of th
United States has learned with deep regret that the
Mexican government has announced its determina-
tion to renew the war against the republic of Texas,
and is .now engaged in extensive preparations with,
a view to an early invasion of its territory; and in-
structs the undersigned to protest, in the most sol-
emn form, both against the invasion at this time,
and the manner in which it is proposed to be con-
ducted.
The orders of the commander of the army of the
north, (General Woll,) issued on the 20th of June
last, and the decree of the provisional President of
Mexico, of the 17th of June, 1843, leave no noubt
as to the manner in which the war is to be conduct-
ed, The decree makes the general-in-chief of' di-
vision of the army, and the commandants-general
of the coast and frontier, responsible for its exact
fulfilment. It was under this responsibility, it
would seem, that General Woll, to whom the Tex-
ian frontier was assigned, issued his order of tha
20th of June.
After announcing that the war was renewed
against Texas; that all communication with it
must cease; and that every individual, of what-
soever condition, who may have communication,
with it, shall be regarded as a traitor, and, as such,
punished according to the articles of war,—it states
that every individual who may be found at, the
distance of one league from the left bank of the Rio
Bravo will be regarded as a favorer and an accom-
plice of the usurpers of that part of the national
territory, and as a traitor to Mexico, and, after a
summary military trial, shall be punished accord-
ingly. It also states that every individual who may
be embraced in the foregoing, and who may be rash
enough to fly at the sight of any force belonging to
the supreme government, shall be pursued until
taken or put to death.
In what spirit the decree of the 17th June, which
the order is intended to fulfil, is to be executed, the
fate of the party under General Sentmanat, at Ta-
basco, affords an illustration. Under-it, they were
arrested and executed, without hearing or trial,
against the express provision of the constitution and
the sanctity of treaties, which were si vain invoked
for their protection.
If the decree itself was thus enforced, in time of
peace, against the subjects of foreign powers, some
faint conception may be formed of the barbarous
and inhuman spirit in which the order of General
Woll may be expected to be executed against the
inhabitants of Texas, and all who may in any way
aid their eause, or even have communication with
them.
It was under a decree of a similar character, is-
sued on the 30th October, 1835, but not so compre-
hensive or barbarous in its provisions, that the exe-
cution of Fannin and his party was ordered, in a
former invasion. This decree was limited to foreign-
ers who should land at any port of Mexico, or arrive
by land, and having hostile intentions, or who should
introduce arms or munitions of war. to be used atany
place in rebellion,or placed in the hands of his enemies.
Highly objectionable as were its provisions, the or-
der of General Woll, intended to carry out that of
June, 1843, goes far beyond it. It embraces every
individual who may be found east of a line drawn
three miles east of the Rio Bravo, without distinc-
tion of age or sex, foreigners or citizens, condition
or vocation. All, of every description, are to be
treated as traitors. It proclaims, in short, a war of
extermination; all are to be destroyed or driven out,
and Texas left a desolate waste.
Such is the barbarous mode in which the govern-
ment of Mexico has proclaimed to the world it is
her intention to conduct the war And here the in-
quiry naturally arises—what is her object in renew-
ing at this time a war, to be thus conducted, which
has been virtually suspended for eight years, and
when her resources arc known to be so exhausted
as to leave her without the means of fulfiling her en-
gagements? But one object can be assigned, and
that is to defeat the annexation of Texas to the
United States. She knows full well that the mea&
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session, legislative document, 1845; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2366/m1/431/: accessed April 19, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.