The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 76
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76
CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
let us set the example to the other departments of
the Government; anil then we may expect to accom-
plish something valuable in the way of economy.
He would inform gentlemen of one thing he meant
to do on his part; and that was, to offer a resolu-
tion that this House (the Senate concurring) would
adjourn, sine die, on some day in the mon th of May
next. It is in vain (said he) for us to sit here and
rail at the extravagances of other departmants of
the Government, while we set them so bad an ex-
ample as we did in the expenditures of the last
Congress. He was confident that the greatest ex-
travagance in the country was in this Capitol; and
he would therefore reduce the expenses of this, the
most important of the departments of the Govern-
ment, before he attempted to reduce others. He
would effect a considerable reduction by shortening
the sessions of Congress; and he was not sure but
that a session of Congress might, by some accident,
be pretermitted, and the country not be ruined by
it. We came here (said he) at an expense of a
couple of millions to our constituents, and expended
a considerable portion of it in dismounting a regi-
ment of dragoons; and he believed that, at the last
session, they dismissed some of the pages and some
of the subordinate officers of the House, while an
endeavor was made to check some of the extrava-
gances of the army and navy. He himself en-
deavored to check some of the extravagances of
the judiciary—the only department with which he
was acquainted—but without success. He had
shown to the House that the expenditures of this
department had mounted up from $40,000 a year to
to 6437,000; arid, though some reduction was
made, it was put back again at the end of
the year. Everybody knew that, at one period
of time, the finances of France were farmed out.
Now he had no doubt that, if they could get six
or eight clever and intelligent men to administer the
resources of this Government, and limit their ex-
pend itures to twenty-two millions, they could keep
up the army and navy on the most respectable foot-
ing, and make fortunes for themselves besides.
True economy did not consist in cutting down the
establishments of the country, but by a judicious
administration of their affairs; and if it was not ob-
tained in this way, it was in vain to hope for it in
any other. You may put down the home squadron
this year, and you may dismount a regiment of
dragoons the next; but this will amount to next to
nothing. As long as in this Capitol the public ex-
penditures are more than they ought, to be, so long
will the other departments of the Government follow
the example thus set them. As long as the expendi-
tures for your foreign missions, though they do not
amount to a great deal of themselves, are doubled;
as long as officers of the army, as was done by a
distinguished officer at the last session of Congress,
can excuse themselves for drawing too much, by
alleging that other officers do the same thing; as
long us, by some airangement of the departments,
each bureau is considered a sepaiate command, and
paid for accordingly; as long as it is the practice, in
the army and navy, for oilioers to certify that such
things are done when they are not done, and re-
ceive pay for them;—so long could he assure the
gentleman from New Hampshire that the mere put-
ting down of the home squadron would leave the
work but half accomplished. He believed gentle-
men were beginning at the wrong end, and in the
wrong way. He believed that if the expenditures
of the Government were to be reduced at all, it
would only be done by an administrative economy,
and by looking into every depaitment with an eye
to what could be saved. He was told that the pres-
ent Secretary of the Navy was of opinion that
$600,000 could be saved by this process at once.
He had no Knowledge of his own on this subject;
but he had learned from a distinguished officer of
the navy, that in the navy-yards, in the equipment
of ships, by the waste and extravagance caused by
allowing officers to rebuild ships when they pleased,
and the loss on the provisions of ships just returned
from sea, which have been taken or thrown away,
the greatest abuses have been practised, which have
assisted in swelling up the nav al expenditures to
their present enormous amount. When he was
told that there were long standing abuses, both in
the navy and army, which the gentlemen who prac-
tised them were not aware of, he answered that, by
beginning at home, and setting the country a good
example, and showing that they were resolved to
apply the rule to themselves, they might then lay
their hands on the army and navy, and accomplish a
great deal, He would not take his seat without
uttering a sentiment which he had very much at heart.
The gentleman from New Hampshire and him-
self, ifhe was not mistaken, belonged to the same
political party. He did not often speak of parties:
but, said he, the responsibility rests with us; we are
answerable, and we ought to be answerable; and if,
by the extravagance of our contingent expenses—
if, by not introducing a system of administrative
economy into every branch of the Government—if, by
simply talking about economy, and dismounting a
regiment of dragoons, or"reducing the home squad-
ron, we do not reduce the expenditures of the Gov-
ernment to an amount within our resources, the re-
sponsibility that will rest on us will be a heavy one.
I do not, said he, often allude to parties—still less to
the presidential question; but I now declare that we
shall have no right to say a word to the people on
any party question, or presidential question, unless
we show that we are in earnest in carrying out re-
trenchment and reform. His friend from South
Carolina [Mr. Campbell] added "a reduction of the
tariff also." If the House would recollect, he, last
session, spoke of the Pennsylvania platform; and his
friends from the South would recollect that he offered
them a position on it which they would not take.
He then told them that he offered them a drink of
wine and water, which they refused to taste; and
asked them how they relished the pure whiskey they
were obliged to swallow. As for his friend from
New Hampshire^ [Mr. Hale,] strong and sonorous
as his voice was, he might depend upon it that he never
would be able to effect any valuable retrenchment
and reform, unless he began in the Capitol; and that
confining his retrenchment to the navy and the home
squadron would not do. The navy must not be
the scape-goat. Let us (said Mr. I.) take the beam
out of our own eyes; it is very large, and cost about
a million of dollars more last Congress than it ever
did before. We must show to the navy and army,
and the judiciary, that we are in earnest, by begin-
ning with ourselves; and we shall then be respected,
and able to elcct our President.
Mr. STEENROD moved to lay the resolution on
the table.
Mr. ADAMS asked the gentleman to withdraw
his motion to enable him to make some remarks.
Mr. STEENROD said he would withdraw his
motion, on condition that the gentleman would re-
new it.
Mr. ADAMS could not do that. The gentleman
must withdraw his motion unconditionally, or not
at all.
The question was then taken on Mr. Steenrod's
motion, and decided in the negative.
Mr. ADAMS observed that he had been very
much amused at the course the debate had taken,
and particularly by the remarks of his friend, the
peace-maker, [Mr. C. J. Inger-soll,] and the aid he
nad given to the gentleman from New Hampshire,
in his proposition of economy and reform. The
gentleman gave the House, undoubtedly, a great
deal of instruction as to the manner in which it
should carry out retrenchment and reform, and
finally elect a President; but his remarks did not
happen to apply to the motion of the gentleman
from New Hampshire; for he led them away from
that motion, a)id told them, in substance, that it was
not the nme million of dollars asked for by the Sec-
retary of the Navy—and he did not know how much
asked for the army—that was to be retrenched. Oh,
no! The army and the navy were not the
great expenses of this nation; it was not by
curtailing the military and naval expendi-
tures that economy was to be obtained; but
by beginning with the two Houses of Congress.
And what was the comparison, to come to dollars
and cents, between the expenses of that House and
the Navy Department? Why, the gentleman, with
all his exaggerating eloquence, had made the execu-
tive, legislative, and judicial powers of the country,
to cost at least two millions of dollars; while the es-
timates for the navy were nine millions, to enable
our ships to go abroad and display the stripes and
stars. And for what purpose was it necessary to
have this home squadron? Was the great maritime
power of the earth in such a position towards us as
to authorize us to expect a hostile British squadron
on our coasts? No; he believed not. Then what
was this nine millions of dollars wanted for? There
was a statement, two years ago, in the report of
the Secretary of the Navy, m which they were told
that our present navy, m comparison with that of
Great Britain, was only as one to eight—that is, that
the British navy was eight times as large as ours.
Now, in that year eight millions of dollars was
asked for for the navy; the report of the present
year asks for nine millions. This report contained
the principle that we must go on to increase our
navy until it is at least one-half as large as that of
Great Britain; and what, then, was the proportion
of additional expense we must incur to arrive at
that result5 Why, four times eight are thirty-two;
so that it will take an annual expenditure of thirty-
two millions to give'us a navy half as large as that
of Great Britain.
If, however, gentlemen were to go on in this way,
$32,000,000—nay, $50,000,000 would not be enough
to pay the expense of their navy. The gentleman
from Pennsylvania was willing, at the last session,
to go on and increase the navy until it could go up
the Thames and burn London.
Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL said he recollected that
his burning of London was only in retaliation for
the gentleman from Massachusetts taking a British
fleet up the Mississippi, and burning Natchez.
(Laughter.)
Mr. ADAMS (after some other observa-
tions, which were not heard at the reporter's
desk,) expressed his approval of the resolu-
tion of the gentleman from New Hampshire,
and his gratification that it had come from
such a quarter—a quarter which was so deeply inter-
ested in having a due protection for their mercantile
navy and their coasting trade, by the establishment
of a home squadron. At the time the home squad-
ron was first proposed, he was, himself, in favor of
it, and it was adopted with but very little opposition;
and the reason was, because the House did not under-
stand it at that time. It looked to a war with Great
Britain. It looked more particularly to a war with
Great Britain, (the honorable gentleman was un-
derstood to say,) provided she took the island of
Cuba.
Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL made some remark,
which was not distinctly heard.
Mr. ADAMS replied: What, would you go to war
for Cuba?
Mr. INGERSOLL. Yes, without a moment's
hesitation, rather than let England have it.
Mr. ADAMS. Well, I would not go to war with
England, at present, for any thing at all.
Some other conversation ensued between Mr.
ADAMS and Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL, which was
in so low a tone of voice that it was wholly unintel-
ligible at the reporter's desk.
Mr. ADAMS resumed his remarks, and was un-
derstood to refer to the Texan and many other ques-
tions, on which a war with England had been looked
to when the hc^^squadron was established; and
then he returnCT^Pthe questions of economy sug-
gested by Mr. Ingersoll; and denied, as he pro-
ceeded, that economy should be limited to the home
departments, and not embrace the army and the
navy. He saw no necessity for a large navy, un-
less it was to insult other nations, by taking posses-
sion of their territory in time of peace. What was
the good, he asked, of a navy which cost the coun-
try $9,000,000 a year, compared with what was
done there in the legislative department of the nation?
He expressed his ardent hope that the gentleman
from Tennessee, [Mr. Cave Johnson,] and the
gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. McKay]—
now the chairman of the Committee of Ways and
Means—would persevere in the same spirit that
marked their conduct during the last Congress, and
still advocate reductions in the army and the navy.
If they compared the appropriations of the last
Congress with the recommendations of the Secre-
tary, it would be found that the reductions then
made were not less than $4,000,000 in the one de-
partment of war alone. W hy, the propositions of
the Secretary then contemplated an army of 20,000
men; and what did Congress do? Why, instead of
making that increase, the army was reduced from
12,000 to about 8,000 men.—a reduction of one-
third. And there was a similar reduction in the
navy. And ho ventured to say that the 27th Con-
gress was the most retrenching Congress the coun-
try had had for a long period.
In relation to the administrative economy recom-
mended by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr.
C. J. Ingersoll,] he said that this was the place of
legislation, and not of administration; but if a commit-
tee should be appointed, as was done by the last Con-
gress, with the gentleman from Pennsylvania at its
head, what would he be able to accomplish? The
gentleman could save nothing but candle-ends, and
he doubted if he could effect even that saving. The
result in the last session was—what' The cutting off
one or two of their pages or small attendants; the
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/100/?rotate=90: accessed April 22, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.