The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 80

                                
60
CfoNGtlfcSStONAL GtOftfe.
ment? Was it that part which recommended en-
couragements to be extended to seamen? Do we
owe nothing to our navy? He did not stand there
to pronounce a eulogy upon it, but he would
aak, ought they not to cherish that navy which had
rendered the country such signal service during the
last war—that navy which equalled, nay, surpassed,
he might say, the achievements of the middle ages?
Time could never cancel the obligations which they
owed to their navy. The sentiments and opinions
of the people were decidedly in favor of it; and (to
adopt the language of one who was well skilled in
human nature) in their opinions the people are sel-
dom wrong; in their sentiments they are never mis-
taken.
The position that a navy is indispensable could
not be controverted. God forbid that a country with
seventeen millions of people should not have
an extensive navy for its protection! Let the affairs
of the navy be looked into, and when abuses exist,
let them be remedied; but let not that which con-
tributes so materially to the prosperity of the coun-
try be destroyed or abandoned. He trusted that,
though the resolution might be adopted, the
House would take no premature or unnecessary ac-
tion upon it. If economy be the order of the day,
let that economy be directed by discretion, without
arresting the onward course of this country to pros-
perity.
Mr. E. J. MORRIS saidjhe had the honor to repre-
sent a district which had an immediate interest in the
navy, and a district which had contributed to the
navy such characters as a Bainbridge, a Decatur,
and others who were identified with American
naval glory. He knew very well, when the cry of
"economy" and of "retrenchment" was raised, that
it was very difficult to stand up against it; it was
very difficult to resist that which bore on its face
practical reform; but he asked gentlemen to look at
the navy at the present time, and what was it? Was
it too large? Was our commerce reduced, that our
navy should fall back? Had the expense of main-
taining the navy become so great that immediate
retrenchment was necessary' No. Of the 68 ves-
sels which constitute the American navy—a number
that was made up of brigs, schooners, ships, and
steamers—there were but 53 that were fit for actual
service, and but 39 that were fit for service as a
coasting squadron. We have squadrons in the
Mediterranean, on the coast of Brazil, on the coast
of Africa, in the Pacific, and elsewhere—in all, some-
thing like six squadrons floating on the different
seas of the globe; and the vessel# available for that
service would not allow six vessels for each squad-
ron. It was also well known that these vessels
were dispersed; and while one was in the port of
Mahon, another was at Gibraltar, a third near the
dominions of the Pacha of Egypt, another on the
Dardanelles; and yet gentlemen rose here in their
places and contended that it was necessary to re-
duce the expenditures for that branch of the public
service. The tonnage of this country, he believed,
was about one million of tons, or about one-third
as much as that of Great Britain. Undoubtedly
Great Britain required a great navy, with her colo-
nies scattered in all the seas of the world; but that
navy was built up, not to guard her foreign posses-
sions—not to guard her colonies; it was built up as
the American navy was built up, to guard her
coast—to guard the rivers and the harbors of Eng-
land. And the American navy was built up m the
same way; and during the last war the victories of
our navy were the theme of universal gratulation.
He repeated, that we had a million of tonnage of
commercial marine; and what was the character of
the American commerce? Was it confined to our
own coast? Was it simply a coasting trade, con-
fined to our own harbors and rivers' No. Our
commercial and trading ships were found m the
Indian ocean, and in the China seas, as well as in
the other quarters of the globe. Such was the
character of the American trade. The Nantucket
whalemen, too, were found in the most distant
seas; and our hardy mariners were met with every-
where. If, then, we have such a mercantile marine,
and if it has so grown up, it must be sustained. He
had no doubt there had been great abuses in
the management of the navy; he had no
doubt there had been great abuses in the dis-
bursement of the appropriations made for the
navy by the Legislature; and it was to be hoped
that those who had charge of these branches of the
public service would observe greater economy than
heretofore. But he had but just returned from the
'city of Philadelphia, and he had found there a per- (
tion of his constituents, while the gentleman from
New Hampshire was urging that the department
paid too liberally, complaining that they were
forced to work for the Government of the United
States at such prices as would scarcely supply their
families with daily bread, for their wages had been
reduced by the present Secretary full 25 per cent.;
and men who had entered that navy-yard under a
tacit pledge that they sh'ould have support by liberal
wages, were now striving with the Government for
an existence.
He had, however, proceeded farther than he in-
tended when he rose: he merely rose to make a few
remarks in reply to the gentleman from New Hamp-
shire; and therefore he would not detain the House
any longer than to say that, if gentlemen were deter-
mined on reducing the navy, he would call upon
them first to look whether it was adequate, even
now, to the purposes of a navy of a country like
this. While, however, he contended that our navy
did not admit of reduction, he did admit that there
might be a more economical expenditure of the mo-
ney appropriated for that department than heretofore.
Mr. GIDDINGS regretted that a discussion on a
subject of so much interest to the country, should be
brought up for discussion in this irregular manner.
Mr. BARNARD inquired if the gentleman from
Ohio rose to continue the discussion.
Mr. GIDDINGS said that he did.
Mr. BARNARD then raised a point of order He
said the morning hour had expired, and therefore
this subjecfcould not be continued but in violation
of the rules; and as there were no orders of the day,
he moved that the House resolve itself into Commit-
tee of the Whole, for the purpose of taking up the
undisposed of resolution for the reference of the
President's message to the several appropraite com-
mittees. The message was not in the hands of the
committees, and its consideration was in consequence
delayed.
A gentleman on the right of the Speaker called
the gentleman from New York to order.
Mr. McCONNELL. I have never seen him in
order yet, and I have been here three weeks.
(Laughter.)
Mr. JAMESON (who occupied the chair pro tem.)
thought the gentleman from Ohio was in order.
Mr. BARNARD dissented; and said the more
regular motion would be, that the House proceed to
the business on the Speaker's table, and to the orders
of the dav.
Mr. CAVE JOHNSON suggested|rfhat it tvould
be better for the House to dispose o*he resolution
under debate this day.
Mr. BARNARD said he saw not the slightest
prospect of disposing of it to-day.
Mr. BELSER moved that the
Ohio have leave to proceed.
Mr. JAMESON (Speaker pro tem.) then put the
question on the first question, "Will the House pro-
ceed to the orders of the day;" The noes appeared
to be in the majority.
Mr. BARNARD called fortellors; and they were
ordered.
Messrs. Tiiomasson and Burkf. were appointed
to take (he vote; and they reported 59 in the affirma-
tive, and 60 in the negative.
The House, therefore, refused to proceed to the
orders of the day.
Mr. GIDDINGS then rose to continue his re-
marks.
Mr. BARNARD also rose, and said the House
had a positive rule, forbidding its proceeding with
morning business after the expiration of the al-
lotted hour, unless by the express leave of the
House; and hence he should object to the continu-
ance of this business, unless with the special leave
of the House.
Mr. TIBBATTS moved that the House grant
such permission.
The SPEAKER pro tem. decided it was not ne-
cessary to obtain such leave.
Mr. GIDDINGS then proceeded to say that the
resolution before the House called for such informa-
tion as would enable the House to act understand-
ingly; but it was thrust upon them before they were
prepared to enter upon it, and they had been pre-
cipitated into this discussion. He had thus far ab-
stained from participating in the debate—though he
represented one of the most commercial interests of
the West—because he considered it irregular and
untimely, and not a very profitable discussion at this
time. As, however, they were precipitated into
this debate on this resolution, it became him to ex-
press the views which he entertained upon it, And
the gentleman from
here he labored under much embarrassment; for
he found gentlemen belonging to the party to
which he had been attached, and with which he
was proud to act, taking a course which was en-
tirely opposed to the sentiments which lie (Mr. G.)
entertained; and gentlemen of the opposite party
taking a course in which he was bound to say that
he would go with them to any extent to which
they might proceed. He pared not to what party
the gentleman from New Hampshire belonged; but
he had expressed sentiments which met his (Mr.
G.'s) hearty concurrence.
If they confined themselves to the resolution be-
fore the House, their course was simple. The reso-
lution called upon the department to inform this
House at what time the home squadron had its com-
mencement, or at what time the law constituting
the home squadron was passed; and on that point
it was not his purpose to make any comment. The
second inquiry was, what was the annual expendi-
ture used m the 'support of the home squadron? and
he could not conceive that there was a single man on
that floor that would record his name in favor of a
refusal to answer that question, and the withholding
from the House and the nation that information.
But in connexion with this subject, he desired to call
the attention" of the House to the fact, that, since
1837, during"a period of five years, the navy of the
United States had cost the people of the United
States more than $30,000,000, of which the propor-
tion of the people of Ohio was nearly $3,000,000.
This, he repeated, was during the last five years;
in which time their mariners-on the Western waters
had suffered and died, and the shores of the Western
lakes had been strewn with wrecks and the lifeless
bodies of their seamen, for whose protection not one
dollar had been appropriated. It was vain, then, to
talk of the admiration ofNe\i Zealand savages for
our stars and stripes, to our mariners who were
taxed for their support, while on those Western
waters they were left to perish, with no effort to
save and protect them. If gentlemen supposed that
he was influenced by peculiar local prejudices, he
begged to disabuse their minds. He went for the
whole country, and for every part of it; and not-
withstanding what he had seen there since the ses-
sion began, he protested that he would stand
by the legitimate constitutional interests of the
South, as long as any Southern man on that
floor. He cared not what portion of the Union
was in danger, he would stand by and sup-
port it; but never, from this day forward,
would he enter into the support of the navy by vo-
ting for an appropriation of $9,000,000 annually,
until the gentlemen of the Atlantic coast would
come forward to do something to protect the lives
of their mariners and sailors on the Western lakes.
And while saying this, he begged again to disclaim
all local feelings; and he would here confess that he
was not satisfied with the remarks made some days
ago by a gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. Kennedy,]
who undertook, as he (Mr. G.) thought, to be a
little too local in his feelings and views. He con-
fessed that they of the "West had now the power to
maintain their rights which had been so long tram-
pled upon; for, as he had remarked, they had not
had a dollar of appropriation since 1837 for the pro-
tection of their lake commerce; but, having the pow-
er, he desired that they should use it with circum-
spection and care—nsku.g for nothing but that which
was rig-lit, and submitting to nothing that was wrong.
We go, said he, for the protection of the com-
merce on the Atlantic—for the protection of South-
ern and Southwestern commerce, as well as for the
Ea.-i't^rn rivers, which he was sorry to find were at-
tacked the other day. The people of the West
looked upon the interests of all the other parts of
the Union as they did upon their own; and, while
they claimed justice for themselves, they were wil-
ling to grant it to others. There was another branch
of the inquiry proposed in the resolution which he
wished to see answered; and that was, For what
purpose was this home squadron established?
He had never been able to answer that inquiry
satisfactorily to his constituents; and when he
told them that the Secretary of the Navy said
it was for the protection of the coasting trade,
they again a?ked where were the enemies
that menaced it. On this branch of the subject,
the answer of the gentleman from New Hampshire
was all important. That gentleman told them that
his constituents were deeply interested in the coast-
ing trade, and that a considerable portion of his
property was embarked in it; but that neither he nor
they wanted this squadron to protect it, He