The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 455
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April, 1844.
APPENDIX TO fm CONGRESSIONAL (SLOBfe
28th Cong 1st Sess.
Improvement of Rivers and Harbors—Mr. Payne.
H. of Keps.
deem essentia] to the purity of the government and the pros-
perity of the country. * * * *
I remain, gentlemen,
With the highest respect,
Your obedient selTant,
"WILLOUGHBY NEWTON.
House of Representatives, Feb. 6,1844.
Mr. Newton here rose and asked that his whole
letter might be read.
.Mr. Paine said he had not the whole letter by
him. He had read as much of the letter as he had
cut out of a paper; the rest was immaterial, and
does not differ from what has been read. If the
gentleman will furnish me a copy of his letter, the
whole shall appear in my published speech.
- Sir, (said Mr. P.,) this is a remarkable letter, no
less for the honesty than for the fulness of the
troof upon the points at issue. It attributes the
isasters of the 'whig party to a want of firmness
in "avowing and maintaining" their principles in
1840; that the whig party was composed of "dis-
cordant elements;" that "eagerness for success in-
duced us [them] to extend their nets so as to embrace
birds of every feather;" and that in Virginia they
"actually repudiated the leading principles and
measures of the whig party;" that the party was a
"discordant mass," "animated by but one common
principle—that of opposition to Mr. Van Buren."
Sir, I can add nothing to the truth of the picture
of the whig party, drawn with a master's hand by
the gentleman from Virginia: and I submit to a
candid world, if the proof furnished by this letter
does not bring the whig party within the rule which
constitutes a faction—viz: a combination of men to
obtain political power, with no common principles,
no bond of union, but the hope of spoils.
It is not to be wondered at, then, sir, that this body
of men, should have adopted the senseless cry of
faction:
"¥e go for Tip and Tyler too,
Without a why or wherefore."'
Having demonstrated by whig testimony, not to
be impeached, (indeed the impeachment of which
will not be attempted upon this floor,) that the whigs
had no common principles in 1840, I hold that
their profession of principle was a "deception and
fraud, practised upon the people; I also hold that the
leaders of the whig party are solely to blame for
this deception and fraud. But if the people allow
themselves to be deceived a second time, the fault
will be theirs I do not fear this result. The masses of
all parties are honest and patriotic; and when their
eyes are once opened to the tricks and knavery of
designing leaders, they never fail to abandon them
as unworthy of public confidence. And sir, from the
inmost recesses of my soul, 1 rejoice that the dura-
bility, strength, beauty, and purity, of our political
system, must be preserved by the people: it is to
them I look for a correction of every political evil
under which the country now travails, and not to
the artful, tricky, dishonest politician, who lives by
his trade, and trades in politics.
Mr. Chairman, I now propose to demonstrate to
this House, and to the country, that the leaders of
the whig party are as destitute of common principles,
the same m all parts of the Union, in 1844, as I have
proved they were in 1840. I desire to be as brief
as possible, and therefore refer directly to the proof, j
To do this, I desire to coaipare the whig princi-
ples proclaimed through the press; and by leading
and influential members of the whig party in differ-
ent States and sections of this Union.
What are whig principles in Alabama? I ask the
attention of the House to the reading of the princi-
ples of the whig party, published in a highly re-
spectable journal (The Eutaw Whig) printed in my
own district. They are as follows:
1. A sound national currency, regulated by the will and
authority of the nation.
Whether this is a national bank, excluding indi-
vidual interest, an exchequer scheme, a fi3cality, or a
government circulation issued from the treasury,
God only knows. I am sure no man can tell from
the language; nor shall I inquire at this time, or in
this place.
% An adequate revenue, with fair protection to American
industry.
3. Just restraints on cxecutivr power, embracing, a further
restriction onthe exerfisr oj theietn.
This, so far as it applies to the executive veto, is
a war upon the constitution.
4. A faithful administration of the public domain, with an
equitable distribution of the proceeds oj the sales of it among
all the States.
These are the fundamental principles of the Ala-
bama whigs, with others of minor importance.
What are whig principles in Maryland, as pro-
claimed by the central whig committee of that
State, who congratulate the country upon the re-
sult of the late congressional election, in an address
from which the following is an extract?
All of the gentlemen elected are the decided friends of
Mr. Clay. Tney ail prefer him before all living men as the
next President of the republic. They are all open advocates
of the protection of American industry, by the enactment
of laws designed for the purpose, and sufficient for it. The
principles of the whig party and its ereat leader were, in
the view of eyery voter, as he deposited his ballot; and the
issue is the calm, solemn, and we trust irreversible, adjudi-
cation of the points in dispute between the two parties, by
a vast majority of the freemen of the State.
The Baltimore Patriot, carrying out the views of
the whig central committee, announces the result of
said election thus:
For Henry Clay and his principles this battle in Maryland
was fought. For him and them it was won. Henry Clay
and the tariff—the tariff' and Henry Clay. These arc the
magic words that open the hoarts of the people, and enlist
all their sympathies; and with them, and for them, the
whigs of Mainland have fought the battle and won the
fight.
In Maryland, sir, "so far as developments have
yet been made for the public eye," you perceive
the whigs of 1844 have but one principle, viz, a pro-
tective tariff: in other words, plunder—plunder
authorized by the forms of law. That is the prin-
ciple under which "the whigs of Maryland have
fought the battle and won the fight."
Now, sir, let us look at Pennsylvania. What
are the principles of the whig party in that State? To
ascertain that ft't, I must refer to a letter written by
a gentleman in my rear, [Mr. Stewart,] who, af-
ter declining a nomination for the office of governor,
adds:
1 beg to say, however, that this course has not been in-
duced by any apprehension of the result. On the contrary,
in my opinion, the great issues to be decided are sueh as
must command success with protection and distribution, re-
trenchment and reform, as our creed, against a party
pledged to the opposite policy. To doubt the result, would be
to distrust the intelligence and patriotism ot the people.
Now, sir, in Pennsylvania, you perceive, there
are but two whig principles avowed by the party.
As to the retrenchment and reform spoken of by the
gentleman, that is mere clap-trap-—humbug—not
worth noticing. This gentleman not only defines
the principles of whigery in Pennsylvania—viz:
"protection and distribution"—but defines the demo-
cratic creed also. In this he has done justice. "We
are pledged against protection and distribution; and
if any political hypocrite denies it, he ought to be
kicked out of the party, as unworthy of public con-
fidence.
Now, sir, to recapitulate. We find in Alabama
the whigs have four principles; in Maryland one
principle; and in Pennsylvania two principles; thus
differing in every State in which '-developments
have been made for the public eye." Does not this
establish the fact that the whigs of 1844 are as much
a faction—having no common principles—as were
the whigs of 1840?
But, sir, in 1844, as in 1840, they have the same,
and are resorting to similar means to rally a faction
to the polls. In proof of this, I desire the clerk to
read from the Clay Minstrel (which has been franked
in thousands by whig members of Congress to every
corner of this Union) the following song. Here,
sir, is the rallying cry of faction in 1844.
[The Clerk then read a Clay song; the chorus of
which was, "hurrah! hurrah! hurrah!"]
Mr. P. resumed. Yes, sir; in 1840 the rallying
cry of faction was—
""We go for Tip and Tjler too,
Without a why or wherefore,'1
and in 1844 it is to be the still more stupid yell of
"hurrah! hurrah! hurrah!"
This won't do, gentlemen. You have deceived
the people once by this nonsense; you cannot do
it again. Define your principles, and give us a fair
and honest fight. If you beat us, I shall not com-
plain. As to the power or patronage of this gov-
ernment, either in the hands of friends or enemies, I
defy the one, and scorn the other. It is for princi-
ples I contend. Unless I get them, I want no tri-
umph. I prefer defeat.
Mr. Chairman, a few considerations present them-
selves to my mind, growing out of this "hurrah"
system of electioneering, which I cannot refrain
from presenting to the House.
Ours is a government founded upon the will of
the people; it is therefore an object of the first im-
portance, that those who impart vitality to the sys-
tem, should act upon principle, controlled by feel-
ings of enlightened patriotism. When the "hurrah"
system of electioneering is adopted, neither princi-
ple nor patriotism is consulted. Thus the fountain
of political power is corrupted, and, in process ot
time, the entire system will become diseased, short-
ly followed by dissolution. If we look to history,
there is scarcely a page from which we may not
learn salutary lessons upon this point. The repub-
lic of Rome flourished m original purity and vigor
so long as the people were virtuous; but shortly after
they were fed from the public granaries, and tanta-
lized by shows and exhibitions of beasts, fyc.-, they be-
come corrupted by vice, enervated by luxury, and
finally the government was sold by a licentious sol-
diery to the highest bidder. I trust the American
republic will never descend to this point of national
degradation. But we should remember that the
surest means of preventing .it is to make all elec-
tions turn on principle, and appeal to the reason,
not the passions of the American people.
Then, sir, above all things, I deprecate this sing-
ing of ambitious or incompetent men into the execu-
tive chair of this nation. If the voice of that illus-
trious man, (Washington,) whose portrait hangs
upon the right of the Speaker's chair, could be heard
from the tomb, it would warn the American people
of the certain fate which awaits them if this system
of electioneering for the presidency is continued.
And, air, would not that scarcely less distinguished
foreigner, (Lafayette,) who lives upon the canvass
on your left, doubt the correctness of his declara-
tion, "That it is only necessary for a nation to be
free, that she wills it; and to be happy, that she
knows it"' ifhecouldbesensibleofthedegradedsys-
tem adopted by the whig party to elevate their men
to power.
If that figure (representing the genius of liberty >
which surmounts the Speaker's chair was sensible,
and could feel for the degradation of our beloved
country, it would drop a tear of regret, and blot
from the record of memory, the melancholy fact,
that, in all contest for political power, folly usurps
the throne of wisdom, infamy of honor, vice of vir-
tue; and this, too, in the only country under heaven
in which the blessing of civil liberty is secured to
every citizen.
I may be told that the democratic party set the
example of resorting to humbugs, of hickory poles,
&<;., to secure political power: be it so; does this
justify you, who insolently claim all the talents, dig-
nity, and patriotism of the country, in adopting a
system which the democracy have abandoned, as
disreputable—nay, disgraceful to them? Where, in
what court of law, could you plead an exemption
from the punishment due to the commission of
crime, because others had committed similar of-
fences? or how do you expect to escape the suspi-
cion and odium of guilt confessed, so long as you con-
tinue to practise the vice? Do one of two things:
either plead justification, and fall like men; or re-
pent, make full confession, and ask absolution. Do-
one or the other, if you desire or expect to retain tho
respect of mankind, at home and abroad.
Mr. Chairman, I turn from the contemplation of
this part of whig policy, to another which is more
tangible, and therefore, from the exposure of which,
I expect more practical good to the country.
Here the Speaker's mallet fell, announcing that
Mr. Payne's hour had expired.
Mr. P. observed that he was not half through his
remarks.
Several voices: "Write out the rest."
Mr. Payne. No, sir; I will not do that, but will
take the earliest opportunity to conclude them.
Mr. PAYNE, having, at a subsequent day, ob-
tained the floor, concluded his remarks, as follows;
Mr. Chairman: When I was arrested in my re-
marks, the other day, under the operation of your
gag rule, adopted by a whig Congress, and shame-
fully enforced by a democratic one, I was about u>
call the attention of the committee to the acts passed,
at the extra session of the last Congress. I do this/
the more readily, because it is known and admitted
that the ruling genius of that session was the origi-
nator and advocate of all the measures of the27thL
Congress, and is now the undisputed whig candidate
for the presidency. It is upon the issues of the ex-
tra session of June, 1841, that the presidential elec-
tion must turn; and it will be the duty of each free-
man, when he deposits his vote in the ballot-box, to
do so with reference to the issues in question.
Now, sir, what are those issues?
1. An insolvent, miscalled a bankrupt law—a
measure which, for its atrocity and reckless viola-
tion of the constitution, has no parallel in the annalsf
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/465/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.