The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 88
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APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
Jan. 1844.
28th Cong.. ..1st Sess.
Fine on General Jackson—Mr. Steenrod.
H. of Reps.
ary dispute. It becomes a question of principle,
rather than of territory. It is not so much whether
Oregon shall be ours or England's, as whether the
blessings of self-government shall, or shall not, be
granted to the infant country. Oregon is, not a pos-
session only: it is a trust. As it is the duty of a
parent to neglect nothing that shall secure the wel-
fare and happiness of those to whom he has imparted
being, so are we bound to secure and.maintain for
this young Territory every advantage, social and
political, which it is within our power to procure for
her. If this land be truly ours, we have no right to
expose it, by desertion, to colonial servitude or revo-
lutionary war. Millions will hereafter inhabit it.
Their political destiny is in our hands. To the world
—to after ages—we must render an account of our
guardianship. Let us see to it, that we have a good
account to render: Now, while yet we may, let us
assert, for these future Pacific States, that station
among the powers of the earth to which the laws of
nature and the progress of improvement entitle them.
Let us watch over their defenceless infancy. Ere
long, they will join their elder sisters of the confed-
eracy; and, though prairie, and forest, and mountain,
now intervene, they will become one with us—not
in political bonds only, but in sentiment and in habit,
m feeling and in creed.
These are, very briefly stated, the reasons which
induce me, notwithstanding the adverse report of the
committee, still to maintain, that, as a measure both
of policy and of justice, the joint resolution which
terminates Great Britain's occupancy of Oregon
ought now to pass.
SPEECH OF MR. STEENROD,
of virginia,
In the. 1 louse of Representatives^ January ft, 1844—On
the bill to refund General Jackson's fine.
Mr. STEENROD rose and spoke to the follow-
ing effect:
Mr. Chairman: I do not think, with the gentle-
men on the other side of the House, that the object
of the democratic party, in introducing this bill, was
to make political capital. No, sir; for myself and
my party, I disclaim all such considerations. But
if the motives of the members of this party are to
be, subjected to this suspicion—the party that has
ever stood out as the unwavering and steadfast
friend of General Jackson, and as the vindicator of
his fame—what motives might be ascribed to those
who here make, speeches against this bill, and then
intimate that they intend ^o vote for it? How is the
democratic party to make political capital out of this
bill? Why does this spectre so much haunt the
imagination of the gentlemen on the other side of
the House.'' Are they afraid the people will give
the democratic party credit for doing their duty in
passing this bill, or apprehensive that they will con-
demn the whig party of the last Congress, that
omitted to do so, and refused to pass it?
Nor"do 1 think, with the gentleman from New
York, [Mr. Barnard,] that this bill ought not to
pass, arid that it may be defeated in the other end of
the Capitol. But I do believe and aser, that if this
Congress refuse to remit this unjust fine, and it is
defeated by the Whig party, in open defiance of the
expressed and recorded instructions of seventeen
States of this Union, it will bring that party under
the everlasting condemnation of the American peo-
ple. Tins bill, above all other bills of the session,
is the bill by which the American feeling of this
Congress (not the party feeling, sir) will be tested.
(jener.il Jackson is loo fully identified with the fiee-
dom and trie glory of the country, not to justify the
application of linn teat to the receded vote of this
C >ngiv°son this bill.
Vou know, sir, that in tlie campaigns of 1814 and
'15, tins nation was di\jded; that a large poition of
the citi/ens of the North quartered their arms, and
refused to li^ht the 1 aU'es of the country; and the
ralamitics that beset our cause could not only be
traced in the reverses attending our arms, and our
ih'feat m the Canadian campaigns, but, when this
Capitol was wsapped in flames, and this now gay
city resting under an impenetiable gloom, here
might have been witnessed the triumph and revelry
of a British foe amid its desecrated and smoul-
dering rum* This was but a part of the porten-
tous gloom that rested on the country when the
Southern campaign opened. _ The British nation
(the first nation in the world in naval and military
prowess) was concentrating ail its disposable force on
{he southern frontier, infuriated with the idea of the
invincibility of their arms, by their conquest on the
continent, and their triumphs here. They seemed
to .have returned to the fields of their ancient dis-
asters, perhaps to regain their lost fame, or perhaps
to re-establish their power again in this hemisphere.
This they designed to be no inglorious war,-but a great
contest. for empire against freedom—for might
against right. All the civilized usages that had
softened the horrors of war were to be suspended,
under the watchword of "booty and beauty;" and
with their proclamations broadcast through the en-
tire southern country, they sought to arouse and
reanimate the discord and disaffection of the coun-
try, and enlist it in their cause. The prejudice of
the Spaniard was appealed to, to throw off his al-
legiance to his adopted country; the Indian, with
his scalping-knife and tomahawk, was invited again
to light up the country with his scenes of blood
and massacre; the slave to rise in his midnight in-
surrection; and spies, traitors, and foreign emissaries,
were all appealed to, to'unite in swelling the numer-
ical forces of the foreign enemy.
History informs us this was a period of great pub-
lic danger; and never can I forget with what thril-
ling emotion I first learned the history of this period
from the lips of one then an actor on this field of
danger. General Jackson was then the commander-
in-chief in this military district, but he was not then
renowned by the popularity and the public confi-
dence which his future services secured to him. He
had not then the fame to command, that afterwards
rendered him, in the estimation of his countrymen,
the first man of his age in the field and the cabinet.
No; he had fought liis Indian battles, and left the
terror of his name in their tradition and story, and
rendered his country signal and brilliant service;
but he had never faced such a civilized foe as now
stood in embattled array, ready to encounter him—
officers and soldiery that had won fame on the far-
famed fields of Spain and Portugal, and seemed able
to challenge the world for bravery and discipline,
and that had never met a foe but had yielded be-
fore fhem—a force that might then justly be said to
be the terror of the civilized world. But this was
not the only disadvantage that faced him. The
State troops and militia had not yet reached the city;
and Jackson's force did not exceed one thousand
three hundred men. The country was without gar-
risons, defences, or armaments, adequate to its pro-
tection. A hundred points required defence—
avenues from the ^oast to the city of New Orleans—
to defend any one of which effectually, would re-
quire his entire disposable force. General Jack-
son had then to rely, to a considerable extent,
on the citizcns of Orleans for aid to defend the
city and the country. Louisiana had been a for-
eign territory, recently surrendered to the gov-
ernment of the United States, and a portion of the
population was foreign, influenced by prejudices and
partialities, opposed to the Government of the
united States, and irreconcilable feuds divided and
distracted the city; a large portion of the population
disclaiming allegiance to the United States, and pro-
fessing loyality to a foreign Government; another
portion anxious to capitulate to the enemy, to save
inviolable their homos and estates; the military pow-
er standing out in open defiance to the requisitions
of the State and the civil authority, divided into fac-
tions, impotent for all public purposes, save to dis-
tract and enfeeble the defence of the State.
Now, sir, behold this beautiful crescent city; mark
the impending danger; the confVsion, consternation,
and despondency of its citizens; its defenceless con-
dition; the enemy triumphing at the battle of the
Lakes; bio ving up the gun-boats; secure in the con-
trol of the entire coast; and about to make theij ter-
rible advent on the city. What, then, I ask, was
the duty of General Jackson, the commander-in-
chief, the romm-ssioned officer to defend the coun-
try? Should lie have stopped to inquire how far the
constitution would allow lmn to go in defending the
country, in protecting the lives and foitunes of this
people, and, disabled by its injunctions, and appalled
by the approaching danger, sunk back, and let the
furious foe, unopposed, advance to the fruitjonof
his "booty and beauty," to hold its citizens at his
mercy, and perhaps to put the city to the flames?
or, as a general, with his camp encompassing the
city, extending out and embracing the points
necessary for its defence, should he not have
stood out ill all his authority, cheered the timid
with his high resolve to defend the city at all
hazards, bid the property-holders rather fly to the
defence of their homes and their esta'es than
seek to capitulate and propitiate the merciless
enemy, and order the foreign emissaries, spies, and .
traitors, to the scajfold, or to the lines for the defence
of the country? Thanks, to it, the times furnished
the country a deliverer. General Jackson was the
man to rise above the public alarm, to meetthe pub-
lic danger, and take the responsibility. Gifted with
a genius to command, sustained with courage that
never cowered, and urged on by a purpose that was
resolved on the attainment of a noble and glorious
end, he stood forth the fearless warrior and wise
chieftain, that flung a proud defiance to the impend- -
ing danger. He ordered the civil authority to stand
still, ana not to embarrass his means of defending
the country; proclaimed martial law, and put all un-
der contribution to sustain his arms in the defence of
this noble city and country. And it was this, I as-
sert, that secured these glorious victories on the 23d
of December and the 8th of January, that excited in
every American bosom joy and gratulation, and
threw an impenetrable bulwark around our institu-
tions, and rendered them (I fain would hope) asbril-
liant and everlasting as the renown of these battles.
I know, sir, the gentleman from New York [Mr.
Barnard] has brought in his book and authorities,
to prove that the civil authority is the supreme law
of the land. Concede that it is so written in the books;
but there is a law still higher than the law of this
land—the law of the universe, a law of necessity, of
self-preservation—that, in a moment of insurrection,
invasion or riot—in a moment of individual or pub-
lic danger—in a contest for existence—rises above
all state policy and conventional law; and, in the ex-
tremity of the moment, drives man to resort to it as
his only safety and life-guard: a law that acquires
its supremacy and justification only by its impera-
tive necessity; and then it will cover the one that
will faithfully execute it with high fame and just
distinction. But the gentleman from New York
[Mr. Barnard] has said there is no emergency
that can justify a suspension of the constitutional
obligations. Now, sir, in reply to this position or
the gentleman, I as positively say, when a foreign
foe is about to invade a country—the rights of per-
sons and property, the civil authority, and all alike
involved in jeopardy—whatever can shield and res-
cue them from the common foe/ is the unquestion-
able prerogative of war to employ and resort to. If
an incendiary is about to apply a torch to a maga-
zine to invole a city in ruin, a citizen stands justi-
fied in striking him down before he can execute and
consummate his purpose. Then, I ask, should not
General Jackson, commissioned by his government
to defend his country against a foreign foe, stand
justified, when informed the State legislature threat-
ened to capitulate to the enemy, in ordering the
governor "to blow them up" if they dared to exe-
cute their purpose?
Does he not stand justified in arresting a muti-
neer—a spy, who was endeavoring to excite muti-
ny in his camp, and betray his country into the
hands of the enemy?—in arresting and "shopping"
a judge who brought his judicial power in conflict
with his means of defence, his orders in camp? I
have not patience to examine the lawyers' books to
answer whether this great cause of freedom was
maintained according to the constitution and the de-
cisions of the courts of law; but T am glad to know
it was done under the orders^of a gallant chieftain,
and with his brave soldiers in arms; and that a de-
livered country and a grateful people stand out now
to vindicate it. Yes, sir, seventeen States of this
Union have enrolled their instructions m grateful
vindication of this mail and this bill. If the gentle-
man from New york [Mr. Barnard] would not be
startled, I would say, away with the inviolability
of the constitution, with the perfectability of th-e
law, when it would surrender an empire, and
subject its citizens to be immo'atcd on its holy altar.
But I have heard it said on this floor, though the
proclamation of martial law was right and proper at
the time it was declared, yet it was abused, and con-
tinued beyond the period when it was necessary and
justifiable, is this so? It is most true, after the bat-
tles of the 23d of December and the 8th of January,
the enemy had withdrawn their forces from their
late disastrous fields, and many deemed the country
saved; but they were still hovering on the coast;
their forces were increasing, and had accumulated to
near fourteen thousand strong, and were anxiouly
awaiting the propitious moment when they might
make another formidable advent on the country.
Let it be remembered that on the 17th of January
they were bombarding Port St. Philip, which was
the defence of the Mississippi; and that on the 12th
of February they were receiving the capitulation of
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/98/: accessed April 19, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.