The Texas Miner, Volume 1, Number 34, September 8, 1894 Page: 5
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THE TEXAS MiNER.
AMERtCAN 000D5 ONLY.
T F every patriotic American wi!l purchase American goods only
1 for his consumption, he will iessen the disastrous effects of the
free trade Gorman tariff bill. The American Protective Tariff
League invites all to join in such a hiovement, and to sign the
following pledge:
"I hereby pledge myself to buy American goods only, whether
of the farm, mine or factory, and to use my influence to have
others do the same."
Please sign the above, giving your postoffice address in full,
and send the same to W. F. Wakeman, general secretary, 135
West Twenty-third street. New York.
LUCKY COAL JVHNER5.
A CLERICAL error in engrossing the Wilson-Gorman bill has
had the effect of placing anthracite coal in the protected
list and consequently making happy the lucky miners thereof.
In the free list of the McKinley bill we find the following two
paragraphs:
'*536. Coal, anthracite.
"537. Coal, stores of American vessels; but none shall be un-
loaded."
The new bill unites these two paragraphs under the common
number of 441 of the free list, as follows:
"441. Coal, anthracite, and coal stores of American vessels,
but none shall be unloaded."
By this change and the punctuation of the paragraph in the
new bill anthracite coal cannot be unloaded 0,1 American soil.
The clerk who made the error should be highly rewarded for
his patriotic action.
THE TAR!FF B!LL.
M
We hope that our people will kick as hard as the proverbial
"Texas steer," and give them a dig with the horns besides, and
show them we are not as big fools as they seem to think we are.
We can vote for our local officers according to our judgment
or inclination, but for Congressmen and our legislators and Sen-
ators, who elect United States Senators, say to them, "if you do
not favor free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to I you cannot have our
VOtes,'' and we will fetch them to our side dead sure.
THE HOME AND THE FLAG.
ONDAY night a week ago the Senate tariff bill became a
law by limitation of time, without Cleveland's signature.
Not an intelligent person in this country believes that the House
would have accepted the Senate bill, unless by the express con-
sen- of Cleveland, for they were his creatures and followed his
beck and call as faithfully as spaniel d<igs obey their master, and
yet Cleveland would not sign the bill that h^ allowed to be passed
like the silly ostrich, that imagines if it hides its head in the
sand its great awkward body and legs cannot be seen.
It shows the innate weakness of the man. Then, he writes for
publication another of his weak, wishy-washy letters of explana-
tion to Representative Catchings about free coal and iron ore,
when it is so well known that if he is not personally interested
himself in the huge speculation in Nova Scotia coal lands, it is a
fact that his nearest friends are, and any one who knows the self-
ishness of the man will believe he has a financial interest in the
Nova Scotia Coal company, that he fought so hard to favor.
His Secretary of the Treasury, we have good reason to believe,
had dealings with the Sugar Trust, and for their benefit has placed
a tax of $40,000,000 on the people of this country.
The end has come of the first session of the worst "rump"
Congress this country has ever seen. The 4th of March next
they will go into oblivion, execrated by a great majority of the
American people; but their evil deeds have placed a tax on the
people for some time to come. The laboring man or woman
will have to pay from eight to ten cents a pound for sugar, in-
stead of four and a half cents. Remember this and charge it up
to the Democrats, and pay it off .at the next election. Texas
Democrats, the (Cleveland wing of the Democratic party, have
declared that they favor the few goldbugs at the expense of the
masses. What are you going to do about it? Will you stand it,
or will you show them in November that the taking of your little
all that you have invested in your farms and homes, so that cred-
itors can take them at their own price, that you will not stand it?
STUDIES IN SOCIAL ECONOMICS—BY J. ELLEN FOSTER.
VII.
T"**\OLTITCAL economy in America is based upon the theory
that all men are both producers and consumers.
Imperialism, feudalism and monarchies, with their class dis-
criminations, build their economics on the contrary theory,
namely, that producers are not consumers.
Old world systems seek to secure the maximum of labor with
the minimum of wage. The chief concern of production on the
other side of either ocean is to keep, down the "living wage."
Under our Hag the chief concern is to increase the laborer's
share.
What is the "living wage?" It is the outlay which will fur-
nish the plainest food, the coarsest garments, the rudest hous-
ings, the barest family life which can sustain and propagate the
laboring class; along with the cost of land, buildings, machinery,
power and lubricating oil the producer counts of the human ma-
chine, with its necessary human appliances.
What is the "laborer's share" m the United States? It is
such a proportion of the value of the wealth produced as will sup-
ply to him and his family wholesome and varied food, ample
clothing, comfortable hoaies which shelter happy family life and'
nurture social virtues.
This is the laborer's share. Why is this "laborer's share" in
America greater than the living wage in other countries? Natural
resources—which are Heaven's gift toman—is the basis of wealth
in anv country. In natural resources America is pre-eminent;
in the development of these resources she has richly provided for
her increasing population, and has now stored up in productive
wealth $65,000 000 000. This productive wealth is in improved
farms, in railroads and th^ir means of transportation, in buildings,
in machinery, in telegraphs, in electric plants, in water works, in
public schools, in colleges and in universities, m churches and in
public buildings, in the multitudinous means and methods which
supply the material intellectual, social and moral needs of man in
American civilization.
This productive wealth is the great reservoir out of which con-
tinually hows consumable wealth; a part of this is the laborer's
share.
Social and political equality have vitalized all powers of brain
and heart and hand; this elevated and fuller life makes great de-
mands. Dirt floors, bare walls, unkept children, no music, no
pictures, meat once a week—this will not satisfy the American
laborer. He must have carpets, pictures music, a bountiful
table, books, magazines, education for his children and a reserve
for old age. Because our people, since the great Declaration of
Independence, have had more wants, therefore production was
bound to be great.
Races of slaves, hordes of retainers, tenant holders, disfran-
chised subjects—these never did, they never can, develop to the
full a nation's resources. They cannot even demand a share of
that which they do develop; having a low social and political con-
dition, they have few wants, and take a "living wage." This
living wage has moved slowly upward with the dull tread of hu-
man necessity measured by social progress. Social progress and
industrial advantage have always gone hand in hand.
In this country they are crowned with political liberty and in-
dustrial emancipation. This is why the laborer's share here is
greater than the "living wage" elsewhere.
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McAdams, Walter B. The Texas Miner, Volume 1, Number 34, September 8, 1894, newspaper, September 8, 1894; Thurber, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth200481/m1/5/: accessed April 24, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Tarleton State University.