The Representative. (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 13, Ed. 1 Saturday, August 26, 1871 Page: 2 of 4
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
[TOR AND PROPRIETOR.
lurday, Aug. 26, 1871.
"BE JUST AND FEAR NOT."
For President in 1872,
ULYSSES S. GRANT
Subject to the nomination of the National
For Congress, First District,
Hon. GEO. W. WHITMORE,
Of Smith County.
For Congress, Second District,
COL. A. M. BRYANT
Of Grayson County.
For Congress, Third District,
GEN. WM. T. CLARK,
Of Harris County.
For Congress, Fourth District,
HON. EDWARD DEGENER,
Of Bexar County.
OTJE BOARD OF ALDERMEN.
The following Aldermen voted to
lay the resolution on Gov. Davis on
the table :
Yeas—Sealy, Frederich, Baker, Stu-
art and Cole—5.
Nays—Col well and Patten—2.
Excused from voting—Reed.
The teachings of the "new depart-
ure " men—the Giddings and the
Stevensons—have shown their effect
upon our honorable Board of Alder-
men, as evinced in the above vote on
the Governor's election circular. On
the flimsy pretext of an alleged techni-
cal violation of " our rights," we are
called upon to ignore the Executive
power of the State. The Governor in-
sists on a fair and free election, and to
further that object he says to the
people, " You shall not have the chance
to control the polls. Mobocracy shall
not rule that day." Our honorable
Board of Aldermen insist on a fair and
free election, and say to the people,
" You shall have the chance to control
the polls ; mobocracy may rule that
This is the difference in a nut-shell:
You, gentlemen, who voted to table that
resolution, can't you stand the pres-
sure ? Is the clamor of the rabble too
great for your moral courage 1 Have
you to cringe to the dictation of the
Giddings party and the Stevenson fac-
tion ? Dare you not stand by him who
gave you being as Aldermen ? Or has
the thing created turned on its creator1?
Out upon such men! Be men or mice.
If you cannot support your Governor
conscientiously, conscientiously give
back to him the power he bestowed
upon you, and let us have a city gov-
ernment strong enough to uphold the
State E xecutive in his honest endeavors
to maintain peace and order on election
FROM FORT BEND.
Richmond, Aug. 17, 1871.
Hon. R. Nelson, Galveston :
Yours, though not dated, is before
In relation to this county 1 will say
Fort Bend coupty is uncompromising-
ly for Gen. W. T. Clark. Mr Steven-
son nor nobody else can make no
change in the feelings of the people
here, nor can he choke himself down
the throats of the people of this county.
Y our truly,
W. M. Btjeton.
P. S.—You are at perfect liberty to
publish this if you feel so disposed to
do so. W. M. B.
REPUBLICANISM AND ITS PRIN-
To meet the pressing demands of a
progressive people the Republican
party came into existence. It is em-
phatically the party of progress. This
is what peculiarly distinguishes it from
the Democratic party. And since its
advent as a power in the nation the
Democracy, as a power, has been ut-
terly paralyzed. So bold and deter-
mined appeared this young giant of
progress that the old fogyism of days
gone by was thrown into a stupor of
amazement as, with a strong hand, Re-
publicanism seized the reins of Gov-
ernment and flung to the breeze its
broad banner, proclaiming " equal
rights to all men.': From this stupor
the latter day Democracy are arousing,
and away in the far advance they see
the mighty masses marching on to
peace, plenty and prosperity, under the
progressive leadership of Republican-
ism. Alarmed at the gigantic stride
taken by the people in the past ten
years, they raise the cry for a forward
movement. A "new departure" is
their key note, and a few start out
boldly in the wake of the people to
catch up with the progress of events.
To-day we find the Democracy fully
aroused from their lethargy and in bat-
tle array, and it behooves Republicans
to see to it that the progress of the
past decade is not nullified by allow-
ing, through supineness or disaffection,
the monedy principles of an antiquated
and fossilized Democracy to become
the principles under which this Gov-
ernment is to be administered.
While Republicanism is progressive
in its very nature, it demands constant
and unqualified support in that pro-
gress. It is the party of the people,
who are ever eager to go forward; it is
founded on principles of * truth and
justice; it ignores the fawning fallacy
of a flattering Democracy that recog-
nizes a difference in the " rights to be
respected;" it claims that "justice shall
be done without regard to color, race,
or previous condition of servitude;" it
is the party of free thought, free speech,
free action. " Life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness," so long seeking
for a protecting power, found it in the
strong arm of a Government based upon
the God-given principle of "equal
rights to all men." Republicans, stand
firm by those principles. Waver not
to the right nor left. Be not swayed
by unscrupulous and designing dema-
gogues. Ponder well the situation.
Consider well the motives of those who
at this time seek to divide rather than
unite—who have taken a " new depar-
ture" from the fundamental principles
laid down in your platform. They
have lost sight of the creator and set up
the creative. Go not with them, for a
destruction sure, swift and scathing
will be hurled upon those traitors who
prove so recreant to the trust reposed
in them, and
"Freedom shall point the cold finger of scorn
When history tells where those traitors were
By the continuance of true Republi-
cans in places of trust, in a few years
our national debt will be cancelled
and that will tell whether the right
men are in the right places.
The War of Races Commenced.
The murder of white citizens of North
('arolina by the niggers of that State
has commenced. It hardly calls for
any special comment. It is the legiti-
mate fruit of the policy of the domi
nant party of the country. It has
been foretold by the Day-Book for the
past twenty years ; for this journal
has battled against that abnormal con-
dition of things, called " nigger free-
dom," for almost a quarter of a cen-
tury. In this North Carolina case, a
band of niggers assailed a party of
whites, killing three outright, and
wounding two. The result of this is
the arousing of the population of the
whole county of Robeson, and the de-
termination to exterminate the entire
band of black scoundrels who have
committed this deed. These fearful
acts will be continued till the Democ-
racy get into power. There will be no
danger after that. At any rate, it is
not likely that any white man will be
murdered by the negro race after the
election of a Democratic administra-
tion.—[N. Y. Day-Book.
We copy the above as an evidence of
what the undisguised Democracy think
of the colored people. Therein we see
all the hate and malignancy of damned
souls whcse natures, despite the terri-
ble sufferings of a civil war almost un-
paralleled in its limit, still remain un-
When you vote, vote for the men
that will do the most for you, and true
Republicans will do so.
GESSLER'S CAP IN NEW YORK.
The Democratic party formerly sur-
rendered the American right of free
speech at the command of the slave
masters ; and now in the city of New
York it surrenders the right cf peaceful
assembly at the summons of a religious
mob. A party bred in abject subservi-
ence to slavery has no conception of
the principles of liberty, or of the
fundamental rights of freemen. While
the Democratic papers affect to deny
the existence of the Ku Klux in the
Southern States, the Democratic mu-
nicipal authorities in the great city of
the continent carefully foster a Ku
Klux to which they command Ameri-
can citizens to yield. The tyrant
Gessler at Altorf put his cap upon a
pole, and ordered the Swiss to bow
before it. The Democratic authorities
of New York elevate the Pope's tiara,
and warn American citizens that they
will refuse to honor it at their peril!
And this is the party that beseeches
the people of the United States to
give it control of the National Govern-
The circumstances of the recent
prohibition of the parade of the
Orange or Protestant Irishmen in the
city of New York, will serve, perhaps,
to show to the country two things:
one is the absolute alliance of the
Democratic city government with po-
litical Romanism; and the other is
that, in consequence of that alliance,
the indisputable rights of American
citizens are deliberately sacrificed. The
facts are very few and simple. The
Orangemen resolved to celebrate the
anniversary of the Boyne by a public
parade in the streets of the city.
Certain Roman Catholic associations
thereupon resolved that they would
attack them if they did ; and as they
did attack them last year, and killed
several of the Orangemen, there was
no doubt that they would keep their
word. The Roman Catholic party
having thus distinctly announced that
they would mafce a riot if the proces-
sion took place, the city authorities
surrendered an^ forbade the procession.
The surrender* was made under the
absurd pretext that processions in the
streets not matters of right, but of
toleration, and that they may be
forbidden when the peace is likely to
be broken !
That is to say, every public parade of
peaceable citizens through the streetsi
may rightfully be forbidden if a ba,p&
of desperadoes and assassins announce
that they do not choose to favor the
procession and will attack it if it ap-
pears. Upon this principle, if some
French cercle had declared that it would
assault the Germans if they paraded on
Easter Monday, the authorities might
rightfully have prohibited the celebra-
tion! Of course, in the present in-
stance, everybody knows that if the cir-
cumstances had been reversed, and the
Orangemen had declared that they
would attack a Roman Catholic proces-
sion, they would have been sternly
warned that their blood would be upon
their own heads, and the Roman Catho-
lic parade would not have been prohib-
ited. Nor is the talk about the celebra-
tion of foieign events and the feuds and
animosities of other lands less absurd.
If there were Italians in New York who
chose to perpetuate the strife of Guelfs
and Ghibellines, and to parade in honor
of their respective heroes and events,
their right to do so would be indisputa-
ble, and equally indisputable would be
the duty of the authorities to protect
those Italians peaceably parading.
The principle laid down in this ridi-
culous proceeding is that the right of
American citizens peaceably to assem-
ble may be arbitrarily annulled by a po-
lice superintendent upon the threat of
unlawful disturbance of the meeting.
The truth is, the police and the whole
military force of the State exist for the
protection of that right and similar
rights. In the very culmination of
events before the war, and in the week
following the execution of John Brown,
a speech was announced in Philadel-
phia upon the then situation of the
anti-slavery movement. The friends
of slavery instantly resolved that it
should not take place. They placarded
the walls with viztual invitations to a
riot. They anpea'ed in the papers to
the most inflamed passions. Large
numbers of what were called respecta-
ble citizens waited upon the Mayor and
told him that the hall would be demol-
ished and the streets would run with
blood if he did not stop the speech.
But the Mayor—it was Alexander S.
Henry—replied that although he depre-
cated the speech as much as1 anybody,
and wished with all his heart that it
might not be delivered, yet the right of
the speaker was a fundamental right
of an American citizen, and he, the
Mayor, was officially bound under his
oath to protect him to the last gasp, if
it took all the police and all the militia
at his command, and that he should
certainly do his duty. There was a
tremendous riot, but the Mayor did his
duty, and the rioters were conquered.
It is only necessary to compare this
action of Mayor Henry in Philadelphia
twelve years ago, with that of Mayor
Hall on the 11th of July in this year,
to see the difference between a magis-
trate who masters the mob and one who
is mastered by it. The feebleness of
the note in which Mr. Hall sought to
prevent the Orange parade, did not
conceal his evident consciousness of his
duty. He knew as well as anybody
precisely what that was, and what the
welfare of the community demanded ;
but he had neither the courage to do
his duty nor to leave it undone. But
even in this Tammany ridden city the
protest against the base surrender of
the rights of a free people to a religious
mob, was so unanimous and indignant
that the Tammany ring was frightened,
and the Governor was called in to
reverse the whole proceedings.
But the facts will not be forgotten.
We have constantly said that the
character of Democratic rule can best
be studied in the city of New York,
and the events of the recent Orange
celebration illustrate it to the whole
country. The most sacred rights of
free assembly and of religious liberty
were yielded to the most representative
Democratic authority in the country to
the mere threat of a religious riot; and
only when driven to it by an over
whelmiug public indignation, did the
Democratic Governor interfere for the
protection of peaceable citizens. Thus
it has always been with the Democratic
party. In the old days it mobbed Amer-
ican citizens peaceably assembling to
plead the right of every innocent man
to personal freedom. Now it disperses
citizens peaceably assembling to cele-
brate the anniversary of an old Irish
battle. And this last act it does to
conciliate the votes of Roman Catho-
lics. Does any sensible man think
such a party maybe safely trusted with
a Government which rests upon civil
and religious equality?— [Harper's
Weekly, July 29.
"The New National Era, of Wash-
ington, is quoted as being in favor of
Gen. Clark for Congress from this dis-
trict. We know Fred. Douglas per-
sonally, and we know he would rejoice
to see a colored man sent to Congress
from any district in Texas."
We take the above from the Repre-
sentative, published in Galveston,
Texas. We certainly would rejoice to
see a colored man sent from Texas to
Congress, but we want that colored
man to be competent to fill creditably
the position. We do not, however,
understand the question between Re-
publicans in Gen. Clark's district to be
one of color. We have read carefully
papers published in that district, and
have been unable to learn from them
what really is the cause of division
among the Republicans there. Will
the Representative enlighten us.—[New
For once we differed with our esti-
mable friend, Frederick Douglas, and
in the ardor of our young manhood
we confess we had a leaning towards
color in our choice of Republican
standard bearers, in this district. The
Convention, however, did not agree
with us, determining to renoniinate
Gen. Clark, whose record while in
Congress Mr. Douglass has endorsed.
We gracefully submit to the will of the
majority, as expressed by our Nomin-
ating Convention, and doing so, we
pay the "amende honorable" to Mr.
Douglass, in retracting the implied
statement of our first article. It would
afford us much pleasure, however, if
Mr. Douglass would do the Republican
party in this district a service by
writing a sound lecture to Mr. L. W.
Stevenson, who is running a break
neck, ruinous policy to that party, by
being an independent Republican (?)
candidate, against Gen. Clark, and
certainly in the interests of Giddings,
the Democratic nominee.
IN FOR THE SPOILS.
The Northern Democracy outside of
New York have become fearfully hun-
gry, and their desperation increases
with their hunger. The fat pickings
the Tammany scullions have been feed-
ing out to the faithful of New York
city have excited the appetites of the
less fortunate minions of Tweed, Con-
nolly, Hall & Co. elsewhere almost to
desperation, and they are clamoring for
a chance at the flesh-pots with a deaf-
ening outcry. The monthly statement
of Secretary Boutwell that he has on
hand the year round nearly an hundred
millions of dollars in gold and from
twenty to thirty millions of currency,
besides more than three hundred and
eighty millions of bonds belonging to
the national banks, adds tenfold to
their frenzy, and redoubles their efforts
tenfold to regain possession of the Gov-
ernment. What a lot of "carpets"
might be bought; how many " chairs;"
what a mighty sight of "plastering;"
how many " armories" could be rented;
and what beautiful " repairs" could be
done with this gold and currency and
bonds! But they would go threugh the
gold and bond and currency vaults in a
month at the rate they have been do-
ing things in New York city. The De-
mocracy of the whole nation would
have to share the plunder. Wouldn't
there be lively times for a month after
the next Democratic President shall be
inaugurated? We hardly wonder the
thought has made the Democracy wild
with hope deferred.
THE RAID ON TAMMANY.
facts for rogues—and honest men.
[From the New York Times.]
Amid the haze which the advocates «
of the ring Qe trying to raise round
Connolly's accounts, a few facts stand
out too prominently to be obscured,
and to these we again invite the atten-
tion of all men, irrespective of party.
1. The accounts we have published
prove that Tweed, Sweeny, Connolly
and Hall combined to defraud the
public of some millions of dollars.
In what way their acts differ from
those of common swindlers, who have
rendered themselves liable to a crimin -
al prosecution, we are unable to per-
ceive, but if there is any real distinction
in their favor we shall be glad to have
it pointed out.
2. All talk about the "old Board of
Supervisors" (chairman—W. M. Tweed)
is contemptible shuffling. It is not
even pretended by Hall that the old
Board of Supervisors took any of the
money of which the public are cheated.
Who did take it ? We say the present
rulers of the city, and we demand that
they be brought to justice for their
3. It is idle to pretend that the
warrants were paid for work extending
over a series of years. The question
is, was the money paid ever earned at
all ? Are not some persons to whom
money was paid mere myths ? Wrhere.
for instance, is the firm of C. D. Bollar
& Co., who drew in fifteen months, for
furniture and cabinet work, $916,-
124 98 ? If the furniture in question
was ever supplied, what became of it,
and where ir it now ? And who is A.
J. Smith, who supplied the carpets ?
Trot him out and let the people have a
look at their benefactor.
4. Is there any such person in exis-
tence as R. J. Hennessy, who is repre-
sented to have been paid on one day
$62,488 18 for " repairs?" Is there any
such person as C. T. Cashman, who is
down for $64,090 49, also for repairs'?
5. The accounts show that the sum
of nearly $600,000 was paid for carpets:
where are those carpets, and of whom
were they bought? No matter how
long ago they were ordered, we want to
know where they are now, and who
supplied them. Can it be possible—we
only suggest this as a conjecture—that
the " A. J. Smith" above mentioned is
in reality Andrew J. Smith, the ring re-
feree, who occupies Sweeny's old office
in Nassau street?
6. How is it that warrants for nearly
five and three-quarters millions all
went into the hands of J. H. Ingersoll
alias Ingersoll & Co.? Is it not the
fact that Ingersoll is a blind for Tweed,
Sweeney, Connolly and Hall, and that
these men could tell us what became of
the five and three-quarters millions?
7. The accounts show that the sum
of $6,997,89$ 24 was paid for the inte-
rior fittings of the court house in two
years. Has work to that amount ever
been put into the court house, and, if
not, who received the money?
8. Is it not the fact that between
June 6 and October 26, 1870—a period
during which Hall admits his full re-
sponsibility—checks for $3,133,311 58
were paid out for repairs and furniture
in armories and county offices, and that
during the three months ending March
31,1871, a further sum of $2,804,207 05
was drawn out on "special account?"
Observe that this period represents
nine months during which the new
charter was in operation, and, there-
fore, there can be no shuffling about
the " old Board."
Now, these are practical matters of
fact, to which the ring champions
would do well to address themselves.
The accuracy of the account we have
published admits of no dispute. We
can establish it in any court of law.
They appear, figure for figure, as they
are entered in the Comptroller's books,
and we have abundant evidence to
prove it. Hall and Connolly cannot lie
their way out of the facts we have al-
ready placed before the public. It is
their only resort, but it will fail them.
Merited Rebuke—The Corinth
News of the 27th of July has the fol-
The talk among the Confederate sol-
diers of Corinth is why in the d—1 did
not certain individuals, who now make
themselves so busy in cursing and
damning the Yankees, carpet baggers,
federal officers, etc., fight the same
d—n Yankees, federal officers, etc.,
when they had a chance to do so some
five or six years ago ? Why did these
loud talking, boasting, cursing chaps
wait until after the war was over, before
they got mad, fighting mad ? They
say these brave warriors had a chance,
a few years back, to kill as many Yan-
kees as they pleased ; but they pre-
ferred to skulk to the woods, feign
sickness, and assume the euphonious
sobriquet of "mossybacks" to fighting
the Yankees ; .and now, if they had any
modesty or self respect, they would be
at least quiet, instead of being foremost
in cursing the Yankees, United States
Government, etc. There are a few
individuals in Corinth who would do
well to profit by the above remarks of
a set of true, fighting rebs.
Here’s what’s next.
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
Nelson, Richard. The Representative. (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 13, Ed. 1 Saturday, August 26, 1871, newspaper, August 26, 1871; Galveston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth203071/m1/2/: accessed July 15, 2020), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .