Texas and the Massachusetts Resolutions Page: 51 of 54
This book is part of the collection entitled: From Republic to State: Debates and Documents Relating to the Annexation of Texas, 1836-1856 and was provided to The Portal to Texas History by the UNT Libraries.
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For let it be observed, that this is not a question for tihe
present moment only. Sone of the leading presses of the
North have lately attempted to keep studiouSly out of view
the subject that is at the bottom of it all. They appear to
think that it is inexpedient to agitate natters which may affect
the position of many Senators from the slave States, upon
whose cooperation, to defeat the treaty now proposed to be
made, we must rely. hllis arg;uent would do very well, if
tie rejection of that treaty could be regarded as a final settlement
of the question. Btt ev'ery one knows tlhat it is not.
Every one knows that those Senators do lnot mean to be understood
as }pled(giig tlhemselves beyond the occasion. Every
one klnows ;h tlt lheir policy is iorle aiffected by their illmediate
iterecst in the success of Mr. Clay, which would be entiriely
destroyd by a contrary course, tan by aiy permanent
dislike to the Texas policy its(lif. liow short-siglhtedl is it,
then It u to llt the argumenr t agaiist it in tie North on a false
bottomtl, imerely to please thltl, lnd subject ourselves to havill
tle objcctio. l tllownl into our teeth at soxme fiture time,
that 'c alit d actend hypocritically, in suppressilng the e t re eaS)ils
of our opposition, to serve a momlenLtary purpose. Tiis
is ti( soft oft temporisin, ltitserving policy, wllich too often
1i as the efiect of weakening the itnfluentce of New-England
in the national counlci:ls, muchi more thtan any extremes in
doctrinle wlic( may bed advanced. We are accused of trick,
and managmentl , and cunning-underhand vays of gaining
our objects. Wotild it not be a clear justification of stuch a
charge, to pretend that the indefinite expansion of slavery is
not the great and leading otbjection in the minds of all good
men among us, to the acquisition of Texas--provided that
this could be done constitutionally. Would not that reason
preseit tlhe chief objection to the adoption of an amendrent
of the constitutiol, for the purpose of acquiring it ? How
vain theni to itmlaine, tlat by a little effort we can hide it from
view. )Does any one suppose that if MAr. Clay is chosen
IPresident, lie vwill not be tri(ed by his enemies at the South on
this delicate subject, or that those who now support himn will
not be called upon to assumea their ground, imnmcediately after
lis election ? The prese t agitation of the project will itself
be construed as furnishing so1Xme test of tlie popular seltiliment
in its fitvor, if that sentiment be not mrost unlequivocally expressed
against it. 1. oes any one imla.gine, that by a little delay
the country will entirely avoid this issue? Would that we
couil(d believe it. But we strain our eyes, and see no such
blesseid fiturity. Tihe1 gr e1at issu) between tlhe principles of
the constitution and slavery, between the rights of the maly
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Adams, Charles Francis. Texas and the Massachusetts Resolutions, book, January 1, 1844; Boston, Massachusetts. (texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2355/m1/51/: accessed June 25, 2017), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, texashistory.unt.edu; .