The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 322
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CONGRESSIONAL GLOfii.
without an effort to set it aside, till the third year of
Mr. Tyler's administration?
Mr. D. went into a long review of the history of
the convention, for the purpose of showing that the
friends of the resolution, and the West in particu-
lar, had all along countenanced and supported the
convention. He exempted, however, tjie Senator
from Missouri, [Mr. Benton,] who did not come
into the Senate till 1820, two years after the conven-
tion of 1818 had been ratified; and he referred to that
Senator's speeches of1895, in acknowledgment of the
perfect consistency which he had uniformly maintain-
ed in advocating and urging the occupation of the
territory by the government of the United States.
There was no part of the arguments oft the other
side, which surprised him more than that of the
Senator fromjlnaiana, who supposed the honor of this
country was so deeply involved in retaining the utmost
claims of the United States to the territory of Ore-
gon, that, sooner than negotiate^away a particle of
those claims, he would rather accept the Upotia
spoken of by the Senator from South Carolina the
other day.
Mr. HANNEGAN interposed to say, that his
expression was, that he would embrace the Utopia
of the Senator from South Carolina, sooner than
sink the honor of this country, by yielding to the
threats or fear of Great Britain.
Mr. DAYTON. The Senator contended a nego-
tiation involve^ a giving up of the territory; and
sooner than that, he would accept the Utopia.
Mr. HANNEGAN fegain interposed to say, that
sooner than render up a foot of territory against our
our will, at the demand of Great Britain, he would ac-
cept the Utopia of the Senator from South Caro-
lina; sooner than see our national honor and char-
acter so sacrificed, he would embrace, not alone
the three confederacies, but a division into separate
republics. It would be a surrender of the territory,
if, at the demand of Great Britain, any portion of
the country's rights was forcibly extorted; sooner
than submit to which, he would prefer a military
despotism capable of protecting our rights.
Mr. DAYTON did not believe he misunderstood
the senator; he certainly had no desire to misrepre-
sent him. He clearly understood him to mean, that
a forcible surrender of some part of the territory was
to be the consequence of the negotiation; and that
therefore, sooner than that, he would prefer a dis-
memberment of this Union.
Mr. HANNEGAN. Yes, when the negotiation is
accepted as an alterative to avoid war, if it arises
from a fear of war.
Mr. DAYTON thought that brought the matter
to a point; if a portion of the territory is given up by
negotiation, how could it be ascertained that it was
from any apprehension of war? That could not be
known. The question was, whether, if, in the nego-
tion any part of the territory was to be given up, the
senator would prefer the dissolution of the Union to
the acceptance of a treaty based on that negotiation.
Mr. HANNEGAN presumed no other senator
so understood him.
Mr. DAYTON would be very happy if lie was
mistaken, for he feared this Union would be held
together by a mere gossamer wet), if the acceptance
of a treaty made by deliberate negotiation was to
be cause fur its dismemberment. If the senator dis-
claimed that, he accepted the disclaimer; from the
bottom of his heart he accepted it.
Mr. HANNEGAN protested against having made
any disclaimer of the sentiments he had uttered;
the gentleman's acceptance was quite gratuitous; he
(Mr. H.) made no disclaimer.
Mr. DAYTON conceived there was no occasion
for bandying words about the matter.
Mr. D. then adverted to the remarks of the Sen-
ator from Massachusetts, in reference to the con-
spicuous part New England had always taken in
maintaining the honor of the country; and dwelt for
some time on the part New Jersey had taken in the
struggle of the revolution. He called to mind many
of the gallant deeds of the North and East, both by
fcca ana land; with a view of showing that these
portions ol the Union were not less forward than
the West, when occasion required to stand forth in
defence of national rights and national honor.
Mr. D. next reviewed the consequences of a war
with Great Britain on the subject of the Oregon
Territory; end depicted the advantages which she
would possess in such an event, and the disad-
vantages under which we would labor. He enume-
rated the squadrons she would have in the Pacific,
i.ne ships of war, steamers, and capability of trans-
ferring troops from China at a moment's warn-
ing, with supplies and munitions of war, all
easily transported by sea; whilst we would
have to traverse 5,000 miles of prairie, mud,
deserts, and volcanic regions of the Rocky
mountains, without the probability of taking
adequate supplies of provisions or munitions
of war, supposing that the battle was to be fought
on the plains of Oregon. Were we to fight with
nothing but rifles, against the muskets, bayonets,
heavy artillery, and battering trains of England,
backed by her fleets on the Pacific? What occa-
sion was there for all this, when an honorable ne-
gotiation was open to us and at our very door?
Great Britain comes to us with the olive branch of
peace; not with her lion rampant to seize what is
ours; .but to negotigate between what she believes
to be her rights and we believe to be our rights.
It is a quesuon of mere negotiation, not of battle.
He trusted the messenger of amity would be met in
a reciprocal spirit of friendship and good feeling;
and if the existing difficulty can be settled in peace
and with honor to both parties, in God's name let
it be done. The day was past when nations should
do battle against each other, save in cases of the
last extremity.
What an incongruous spectacle of legislation did
we present! We were reducing our army to the
lowest limit of a peace establishment, while taking
measures to render necessary additional military
posts, if not a preparation for war. We are discuss-
ing the tariff policy with a view to opening our
ports to the free trade of the world; yet entertain-
ing, at the same time, a question which may involve
in its consequences the blockade of those ports.
The country had no disposition for a war—nobody
wants war. Great Britain does not want it; and
least of all, with her best customer, the United
States.
Now, he was ready to admit that, in any negotia-
tion on this question, there were rights to be pre-
served; and one of these (which he considered of far
greater moment than the agricultural value of the
territory) was our right to the mouth of the Colum-
bia river. This was all important to us, and he
trusted it would be so regarded by our negotiator.
The amount of tonnage we now had in the Pacific
ocean was very considerable; and would, no doubt,
be greatly augmented by the trade of China being
opened. This point was of the utmost importance
to us in time of peace, and of no less importance in
time of war.
He hoped he would not be misapprehended in
anything he had said in relation to the jurisdiction of
the territory. He was ready to go as far as the
senators who advocated this resolution, in resisting
any attempt of Great Britain to arrogate to herself a
right of jurisdiction inconsistent with our na-
tional rights, or any attempt she might make to pluck
even one blade of grass in the territory in defiance
of us.
But, so far as the existing convention was con-
cerned, believing that it was the determination of
Great Britain to observe its obligations in good
faith, he was opposed to all propositions to break
loose from it. There is such a thing as national law,
and the opinion of the world on which it is founded;
anil, while he would not sin against the honor of
his country by meanly yielding one particle of its
rights, he would be equally averse to sinning against
the law of nations which demanded of us an obser-
vance of national proprieties, by not putting our-
selves in the wrong, when, by continuing as we are,
we can remain indisputably in the right.
Mr. BREESE next obtained the floor; but the
hour of adjournment being at hand, he requested the
subject would be postponed till to-morrow.
The pending question was accordingly laid on
the table till to-morrow.
CHESAPEARE AND OHIO CANAL.
On motion by Mr. TAPPAN, the Senate re-
sumed the consideration of the bill authorizing the
transfer, to the State of Maryland, of the stock held
by the United States in the Chesapeake and Ohio
canal, on certain conditions—the question pending
being the substitute, by the Committee on Roads
and Canals, for the originall bill.
Mr. MERRICK was anxious that this bill should
bfe proceeded with, as, to make it at all available, it
should be passed before the adjournment of the le-
gislature of Maryland, which would take place on
the 10th of March.
Mr. SEVIER inquired if any expression of opin-
ion on this subject had been given by the constituted
authorities in the cities of Washington and Alexan-
dria.
Mr. MERRICK said that a deputation from the
legislature of Maryland visited Washington some
short time back, and conferred with the authorities
of the District, as well as with committees of Con-
gress, and that all parties expressed themselves sat-
isfied with the measure, as proposed in the amended
bill.
Mr. TAPPAN wished the bill to lie over, as he
understood the senator from North Carolina, [Mr,
Haywood,] who was not in his place, had an
amendment to propose.
Mr. PEARCE informed the honorable senator
from Ohio that he had, in the morning, a conversa-
tion with the senator from North Carolina, and
learned expressly from him that he intended to offer
no amendment.
The question was then put on the amendment as
reported by the committee, and agreed to. ,
Mr. RIVES moved that the words "Savage river"
be substituted'for the words "town of Cumberland;"
this would extend the canal into the heart of the coal
region; whereas, if it terminated at Cumberland, it
would only reach the borders of that region.
Mr. MERRICK hoped the senator from Virgin-
ia would not press his amendment. There would be
difficulty enough to procure funds to extend the
work to Cumberland; but if the amendment was car-
ried, it would take an additional five millions of dol-
lars to get on to the mouth of Savage river, a distance
of 40 or 50 miles from Cumberland. If the amend-
ment was adopted, the whole matter would be put
an end to, for no capitalists would be found to ad-
vance so heavy an amount.
After a short conversation, in which Messrs.
TAPPAN, SEVIER, and RIVES took part, the
amendment of the latter was negatived, and the bill,
as amended on the suggestion of the Committee on
Roads and Canals, was ordered to be engrossed for
a third reading.
Mr. EVANS moved that the Senate adjourn, but
withdrew the motion.
Mr. BREESE reported a bill from the Committee
on Roads and Canals, the title of which was not
heard.
On motion by Mr. MERRICK, the petition of
Martin Fenwick, praying confirmation of his title
to a tract of land in Missouri, was ordered to be ta-
ken from the files, and referred to the Committee on
Private Land Claims.
On motion, the Senate then adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, February 26, 1844.
RESOLUTION DAY.
The SPEAKER announced that the first business
in order would be the call of the States for resolu-
tions.
Mr. DROMGOOLE observed that there were
several executive communications on the Speaker's
table which ought to be disposed of, and suggested
that, by general consent, they be read and referred,
before proceeding to the call for resolutions. No
objections being made,
NATAL AFFAIRS.
The SPEAKER laid before the House a message
from the President of the United States, transmitting
a communication from the Secretary of the Navy on
the subject of the bill authorizing the transfer of na-
val appropriations, and recommending an amend-
ment of said bill; also recommending the building of
steamships on the plan of the Princeton: laid on the
table, ana ordered to be printed.
LOUISVILLE AND PORTLAND CANAL.
The SPEAKER also laid before the House a
communication from the Treasury Department, in
answer to a resolution of the House in relation to the
Louisville and Portland canal.
On motion by Mr. TIBBATTS, it. was referred
to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be
printed.
WESTERN RIVERS.
The SPEAKER also laid before the House a com-
munication from the War Department, transmitting
a report from the Bureau of Topographical Engineers,
showing the extent of the improvements that have
been carried on in the Mississippi and other rivers
for the last four years, the amount expended, &c.;
laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.
RETRENCHMENT.
On motion of Mr. DEAN, the resolutions of th«
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/346/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.