The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 225
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Feb. 1844.
28th Cong 1st Sess.
APPENDIX tO THE CONGRESSIONAL ©LOBE.
This, sir, will be gratifying intelligence (as it may
be relied on) to our wheat-growers of Pennsylvania
and Ohio, and the Middle States. A country like
this, where thirty bushels is the return for every
one sown, and where the trouble of preparing the
ground and sowing it is not necessary for a tolera-
ble crop, must attract their attention. They will
sell out their impoverished lands, and remove to it
in crowds, there to enjoy not only the thrilling-
pleasure of ploughing its virgin soil, and acquiring
competence and independence with little labor, but
be the pioneers in that march of otir empire which
can only be stayed by the waves of the Pacific.
CLIMATE OF OREGON.
In regard to the climate, sir, there may be agues
prevailing to some extent, as is almost universally
the case in all new countries, whose rich soils are
for the first time upturned by the ploughshare to the
action of the sun, but they will soon disappear.
Eveiy wind from the sea and from the mountain
tops will come to the laborers and indwellers of its
fruitful valleys and beautiful plains, freighted with
health and inspiring hilarity and joy.
All travellers agree as to its superior comparative
mildness with the same latitude, east of the moun-
tains, and although the seasons are divided into "the
wet" and "the dry," the former commencing the 1st
of November, and the latter about the 1st of May, I
should not suppose, from an examination of" the
meteorological table of the weather, kept with great
care, and furnished by the Rev. Samuel Parker, m
his published account of his tour to, and residence
in the country, that it could be insalubrious. Here
is a condensed statement, from observations made in
1835. In the month of November, there were ten
clear days; two of heavy rains, at long intervals;
four of rain, most of the day; seven cloudy;one a
little snow; one hazy; and five variable.
In December, there were eight clear days; seven-
teen cloudy, with a little rain, hail, and snow, and
some sunshine; and six variable.
In January, but two clear days; five rainy, and
the rest cloudy, with occasional, pleasant sunshine.
In February, seven clear days; none of heavy
rains, and the most of them, though cloudy, yet
pleasant, with occasional sunshine.
In March, there were seven clear days; eighteen
cloudy, with but little rain, and the rest variable, but
pleasant.
In April, there were six clear, and very pleasant
days; seven rainy, with light showers; one very
heavy rain all day, and the remainder, cloudy,
alternating with sunshine. The mean aggregate
height of the thermometer during all these months,
was about fifty degrees of Fahrenheit.
These observations will compare favorably, sir,
with those made in any other part of our Union,
and present a view less forbidding than I had antici-
pated.
DOES ENGLAND DESIGN TO COLONIZE
OREGON?
But, sir, its agricultural and commercial advan-
tages which I will enlarge upon hereafter, are not
the considerations which govern me in advising a
post decided course on the part of our government,
in relation to it. We believe, sir, that Great Britain
does desire to colonize the country, and if the nation
does not speak, will diplomatize us out of its owner-
ship. Fight for it, sir, she will not. Arrogant,
and grasping as she is, she would be unwilling to
go before the world, and claim it upon the strength
of her title, derived from the pirale Drake, or from
the convention of Nootka Sound, extoit'ed from
Spain.
The London Morning Chronicle of the 3d No-
vember last, soys: "It is the region we are to
diplomatize for. Kiglit there will be none. The notion
of it is an absurdity. If the lings weie kent, all the
men that Aine.nea could send into the territory by
land, would lie annihilated by the Hudson Bay
company and the friendly Indians, without our impe-
rial aid."
This latter prediction, sir, is but vain boasting;
there are but few Indians m that country, and they
not warlike; and whilst we possess it, and the
passes to it, those on this side of the mountains
will be our friends, from whom we shall have no-
thing to fear. Encompassing them on every side,
having no open country to roam over, they will be-
come less migratory in their habits, and in time be-
come settled down as cultivators of the earth. If we
do not possess it, they may be stirred up by British
traders and British influence to bloody wars, winch
jnust end in their final extinction.
(15)
Oregon Territory—Mr. Breese.
.Senate.
The other prediction sir, that England will not
fight for Oregon, is better founded. It is an opinion
formed from a careful view of her true interests in
the matter, for by them she is mainly governed,
one expects to gain her objects by negotiation and
diplomacy, and in those arts, we are no match for
her, notwithstanding the high character we have, as
the senator from New Jersey [Mr. Dayton] de-
clared, at making a bargain.
An article in a late number of the Edingburgh
Re\ iew, a leading British print, discusses the impor-
tance of Oregon as a seat for a European colony,
it declares it never can be colonized overland from
the United States, but must be from the overburden-
ed shores of Europe and that it is the only spot on
the habitable globe, now left to be colonized. That
her policy is to establish a colony there, as a new
market for her manufactures.
This sir, has been the ruling policy of England
for years—the establishment of remote colonies, as
aditional markets for her manufacturers, and al-
though they may have been unprofitable in the ag-
gregate, still she retains them, not entirely as mar-
kets, hut as commanding and powerful positions
while engaged in war; and though they are the
most inviting points of attack, they are also the best
adapted for the observation and annoyance of their
enemies, and as places of resort for their vessels of
war.
If she desires Oregon for a market, it would seem
to me, sir, that it would be far better forher, that we
should populate it, and make it a part of our confed-
eracy, than that she should colonize it, for then she
would have the benefit of a new and additional mar-
ket for her manufactures without the expense of
supporting and defending a colony, so remote, as that
would be, from her other American possessions.
Were there a million of our people in it, with their
multifarious wants, and with the increased capacity
to consume her manufactures which the great fruit-
fulness of that country will beget, the market for
them, is to that extent enlarged, and her trade there,
subject only to the same charges now imposed at
the ports of the Atlantic seaboard. Her true policy
is, sir, to aid us in settling and improving the Ore-
gon, neither to diplomatize, nor to fight for it, but to
yield it up in a friendly manner, as our own un-
doubted right.
OUR POSITION TOWARDS ENGLAND.
In all our negotiations, sir, upon this and every
other important subject, and with every nation, par-
ticularly with Great Britain, we should speak in a
decisive tone. We should "ask nothing that was
not right, and submit to nothing that was wrong;."
When Prance failed in her obligations to us, what
was the tone of our then executive? When we were
negotiating with Naples for indemnity due from her,
we did it with a frigate in her bay. Look at our
diplomatic correspondence with Mexico, accompa-
nying the President's message at this session? Was
such a tone ever assumed—harsh as it is if not
severe—towards England? It would be more in
place towards that power, than to one less formid-
able. What did we do to Spain m 1813? We pass-
ed two acts to take military possession of the Flor-
idas; and appropriated one hundred thousand dollars
in money, and placed the military and naval power
of the country at the disposal of the President, to
maintain it. Why, then, a different course towards
England? Whenever a subject comes up in which
•he is concerned, our tunc is changtd, and ni'sotia-
tion is the panacea for the rcniOMil of all complaints.
The moment this resolution read in fhif, cham-
ber, that moment, vr, we were lemimled of our du-
ties to England, of a war to ensue; and we are now
told by the Senator from New Jersey, [Mr. Dv\-
toy,] of the ships of war England has in tin- Pacific,
her facilities for transporting men and munitions of
war from China and the East to Oregon, and of our
own difficulties to reach the battle ground, should it
be there. This argument, sir, would be equally
cogent and appropriate on every other occasion of
contest with her. All she demands must be surren-
dered to her—the most unquestioned must be
quietly yielded: because, forsooth, she is powerful
by sea and land. Sir, these arguments may suit the
meridian of Spain, but not our meridian. In the
matter of the right, I would not regard the value of
the. country, as weiehing a feather in the scale. I
would look to the right alone, and that I would not
surrender from timidity or an over cautious pol-
icy. There is something more exciting than
mere value, than mere pecuniary considerations.
There is a class of persons, however, whose first
and last thought is of the latter; and it Is typified in
the conduct of one of our eastern friends, who visit-
ed, for the first time, the cataract of Niagara. . Its
grandeur and sublimity awakened no emotion; ljut
lie coolly sat down to calculate how many spindles
it would drive! I do not speak this in disparage-
ment of any portion of those people; far from it, sir:
1 admire their thrift, their ingenuity, their persever-
ance; but it must be admitted by their greatest ad-
mirers, that money, with many of them, is "the main
chance." .
WILL ENGLAND FIGHT FOR OREGON?
I ha^e said, sir, that England would not war for'
Oregon. Can we suppose she would be more ready
to go to war with us, without a just occasion for it.
than any other nation? Was there notgood reason
to believe she would not, on the pretext of this resolu-
tion and our subsequent measures yet to be consum-
mated, desire to go to war, knowing, as she must
know and feel, that the public opinion of the civil-
n won^ kc against her, and in our favor*
All free governments are more or less operated upon
by public opinion; and that of her own kingdom-
leaving out the aristocracy, perhaps—would be
against a war with us. The manufacturingand com-
mercial interests would be strongly opposed to it.
They know well we are their best customers; and
the shutting of our ports to their trade would involve
many of them in distress and ruin. Her enormous
public debt, incurred in no small degree by
former wars with us, and amounting now to
more than one thousand millions of pounds
sterling, would be another powerful consideration
with the tax-payers on small estates, and not very
lucrative pursuits. Her own condition at home sir
in regard to Ireland, is not as agreeable as she could
wish—whilst in Canada, things are very different
there now, compared with what they were during
the war of 1812. Public sentiment is much changed
there m our favor. A large portion of the Canadian
population is in favor of our institutions, and would
be willing to throw off the yoke of colonial subjec-
tion and join our confederacy. The continental
powers, sir, would give her no aid, countenance, or
sympathy. The spindles in her manufactories would
stand still for the want of our great staple, cottQQ,
which now feeds them, and through them, a.large
part of her population besides. No adequate sup-
ply could be had from India; for the whole of her
annual production imported into England would be
consumed in six weeks, amounting, as it did the last
year, to but 138,000 bales, against one and a half
millions from us. These considerations, sir, thus
rapidly glanced at, induce me to believe no "war will
follow the attitude we assume, if it is a determined
one, and in strict accordance with our undoubted
right.
I will not at present deny, sir, that war is a great
calamity, come when it may; but there are much
greater that may befall us; and among them I would
count a tame submission to the unjust demands of
England, proceeding from fear of her power, or
dread of her vengeance. Submission to her, at this
time, thereby inducing perhaps at last a war, would
be more calamitous than one now to check her ag-
gressions. One now, would find the spirit of tlTe
people prepared for it, and able and willing to resist.
Deaden it by repeated submissions, ana then let
war come; we would be but the easier prey to her
exactions, and our ancient and yet untarnished glo-
ry would disdppe.ir foiever.
But, sir, as a mere matter of dollar and cents—
of pioht aiuJ lo.^s on both .^ides—the margin would"
l,o mnch brosder tor fclnglaud than for us, upon
which to maik th( losses. AW should lose a few
merchant vessels, which wc could easily replace,
u hi'si her comjmen-e would be exposed, not only to
our own pnvat( armed\e^els, but to those of all
nations who might choose to wear our flag. Pau-
perism and starvation would be incurred to a fearful
extent in England, whilsiplenty would abound here.
In hhip-building, mnnning, and equipping them, we
are an overmatch for anjr single nation. England
connot compete with us in these particulars. Her
ministers, .sir, would not hazard a war for such a
stake as Oregon, and as to its being1 inevitable, if we
pass this resolution, by collisions in Oregon between
our settlers and hers, as the senator from Massa-
chusetts [Mr. Choate] argued it would be, the sen-
ator himself read to us a passage from Dr. White's
letter, which forbids such an expectation. He says
"these worthy gentlemen intend eventually to settle
in this country, and prrfe}* American to English ju-
risdiction," * $
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/235/: accessed April 18, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.