The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 58
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SB
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
Jan. 184.4.
28th Cong 1st Sess.
Fine on General Jackson—Mr. Dean.
H. of Reps.
lakes besides Michigan; but I leave them in the
hands of their more immediate representatives, who
are better able to portray their necessities. From
1825 to 1838, government extended its fostering
care over the harbors, and gave them more or less
appropriations. Why should the old policy, so
provident of property and life, so just, so necessary,
at this late day, be exchanged?
The lake trade the past year must have reached
$100,000,000, as it was $87,000,000 last year. And
twenty-five new vessels have been built with a ton-
nage of 3,212 tons, and cost of $241,340. An annual
appropriation of $300,000—which could be clipped
from our navy and army without being felt—for
three years, would be abundant for all our wishes,
and would save that sum in six years. In these
appropriations, rising 7,000,000 people are directly
interested. Yes, sir, the riparian counties alone
make up 1,200,000.
I fondly hope that soon the all-important canal
around the Sault Ste. Marie (costing, as the Secreta-
ry of War informs me, only $100,000) will be com-
pleted, and then the outpouring of the vast wealth of
the Lake Superior country will give additional value
to the already great and increasing northwestern
trade. Now, sir, as one of the representatives of
this vital interest of our common country, with my
present favorable opinion of the Committee on Com-
merce, I cannot vote to take it away from them; and
I hope no friend of it will entertain such a proposi-
tion for a moment. To them it legitimately belongs;
and to them, in behalf of its friends, I ask to have it
S°-
It is objected to the committee that there is no
man upon it favorable to western interests.
Where is the gentleman from the Detroit district,
Michigan? [Mr. McClelland.] His constituents
are directly interested in the construction of harbors,
erection of light-houses, and in improving every
channel of northwestern trade. Where is the gen-
tleman from the Erie district, Pennsylvania? [Mr.
Reed.] He resides at an important commercial
point, and has a fortune invested in storehouses and
steamboats upon the upper lakes. I-Ie has a great
personal interest blended with that of his constitu-
ents. Where is the gentleman from the Ogdens-
burg district, New York? [Mr. King.] lie resides
directly on the St. Lawrence, which many are stri-
ving to make the great outlet of the Mississippi Val-
ley, not only directly through Canada to Liverpool,
but directly to Boston, by contemplated railroads,
via Lake Champlain. It is a fact almost too no-
torious to be repeated, that, upon the completion of
the Illinois canal, the inhabitants upon both sides of
the St. Lawrence expect to open trade with the very
heart of our country, and boast of the most favora-
ble terms. Where are the gentlemen from New York
city [Mr. Phcenix] and Boston [Mr. Wintiirop]'
the too great rivals for western trade, united to us
by every business tie. Their constituents hold the
r.otes of our merchants and the bonds of our States,
insure our vessels, our cargoes, and our buildings
and own more or less of our lands. They buy our
products, and we their merchandise. Where is the
gentleman from New Orleans? [Mr. Laeranche.]
He stands in the same attitude to the southwest that
the gentlemen from New York and Boston do to the
northwest. Indeed, as far north as Chicago, mer-
chants go to New Orleans for sugars and molasses,
and the opening of the Illinois and Michigan canal
will make the trade of these two points more direct
and profitable. Here are six of the committee, with
their residences; and I have alluded to them to show
that, representing as they do great commercial
points, seeking and expecting more or less aid from
every facility given to the outlet of western prod-
ucts to the ocean, they would be recreant to
themselves and recreant to their constituents, if
they neglected to favor our great measures, which
tend to one great and common interest—the bet-
ter development of the resources of each individ-
ual part, for the_ benefit of the whole confederacy.
The favorable views of the chairman [Mr. Holmes]
we Jiave already had on this floor; and the other
two members [Mr. Hale of New Hampshire, and
Mr. Du.ylap of Maine] I know to be men of en-
larged and liberal opinions; and most heartily will I
risk our measures in their hands.
With these views of the safety of the lake inter-
est, whilst intrusted to the usu^l standing commit-
tee, I beg of our Mississippi river friends to let us
take the ordinary course; at the same time assuring
them that, in courtesy to them, I will support a ref-
erence of their interests to whatsoever committsc
they may cheosf.
Having now done with the main question, the
House will pardon me for making a statement in re-
lation to a work of the highest importance to our
whole Union, and in the completion of which are con-
centrated the determinations, the hopes, and the inter-
ests of the people of our State. I allude to the long-
agitated enterprise of connecting the waters of the
Gulf of Mexico with thofse of the Atlantic-ocean,
the St. Lawrence with the Mississippi, the East
with the West, the North with the South, the man-
ufacturing with the agricultural States, uniting the
two great channels of trade so as to form one con-
tinued line of internal navigation of over three thou-
sand miles, extending through every diversity of
climate, business, and soil—I mean the Illinois and
Michigan canal. And I wish to repel some
imputations cast upon the political integrity of
my State, with reference to a negotiation now
pending. It has been insinuated that the domi-
nant party there are in danger from British gold.
Sir, this British gold, if it ever comes, is of
the people's own seeking, without distinction
of party. Politics have never been thought of; and
the appointment of Governor Davis was a mere ac-
cident, yet a very lucky one. He was appointed
by respectable citizens of Boston, and he had been
some time on duty in our State before the British
bond-holders knew who had been appointed; and
perhaps the news has not reached them yet. The
dominant party sent their own commissioners to
England, and the bond-holders accept of their
proposition if the securities are good; and they
appoint Hon. Abbott Lawrence (he being in England)
to look into the matter; but upon his declining, they
select him and two other citizens of Boston to agree
upon an agent. These men send out Governor Davis,
not for political, but purely business purposes; and it
is a fortunate selection; since, if one party make the
arrangement, and another approve of it, it shows
that there is no party bias in the matter, and that,
let parties fluctuate as they may, there is stability,
permanency, aye, inviolability, in the contract with
the State and the bond-holders. Let my political
friends entertain no fears for Illinois. Would that I
could raise her pecuniary integrity on a level with
her political. In this latter respect, she has been
tried, and never found wanting. No State in the
Union, since her admission, and for the last five
presidehtial elections especially, has exhibited so
much consistency in casting her electoral vote; and
that consistency will still be preserved. As I have
from the beginning been the unequivocal and un-
compromising opponent of all the bank suspension
laws, all the stay laws, and all the log-rolling
schemes that have tended to ruin the credit of
our State abroad, I might properly speak of va-
rious ineffectual plans to swerve her from her integri-
ty, and their political origin. But I wish to have this
whole matter kept aloof from politics. I now take
my State as I find her, and make no criminations.
She is deeply in debt, and patriotism can best be
displayed in divising means to get her out, rather
than in censuring those who gother in. Should John
Davis contribute in any measure to this grand con-
summation, why, we shall give credit to whom credit
is due, without the least political feeling. This is
my doctrine, and also that of all the Illinois people.
We fear not the effects of British gold, and repel all
insinuations that our integrity is in danger. Sir, we
havenow but one desire, one pride, one end, one aim;
and that is, to regain our credit as an honest State as
an interest-paying, if not a debt-paying State. One
year ago, sir, Illinois was groaning under a debt of
§14,500,000. But she did not dispair—
By winding up her banks she reduced
it -
By settlement with McAIlester &
Stebbins -
By sale of internal improvement prop-
erty on hand (estimated) -
By the canal arrangement depending
on the rcpoit of Gov. Davis
#3,100,000
600,000
1,720,000
5,000,000
$10,420,000
Leaving §4,080,000 for us to pay. At the worst,
it cannot exceed $5,000,000. And I would assume
that as the maximum upon which, by a law of our
next legislature, we wish to commence paying in-
terest. Within the last two days, I have received a
petition from non-resident landholders in Illinois to
the amount of $1,000,000, praying our next legis-
lature to assess a tax to meet our interest; and I
have not a doubt but it will be granted to some ex-
tent. Were our lands all taxable, we could do this
with ease, Ilencs we wish government to pursu«
that liberal policy towards us, which will cause a
speedy market for those 15,500,000 acres of unsold
lands, and so benefit itself whilst benefiting us. We
take courage, however, since our list of taxable
lands ia fast increasing; as those sold in
Acres.
1839 amounted to - - 1,132,876.31
1840 " - ■ 389,275.45
1841 " - - 335,553.00
1842 " - - 437,404.20
1843 (to 30th September) 269,921.14
The improvement of our harbors and rivers, th®
completion of the Cumberland road, with the dona-
tion of land to which we are entitled to make us
even with Ohio, would hurry sales for most of our
other lands. And I am informed that several thou-
sand Englishmen are preparing to emigrate to the
West in the spring, with money averaging to each
$2,500. Much, however, will depend on the course
of this Congress. But, without any governmental
aid, Illinois will never repudiate a mill of her pub-
lic debt, but will struggle on as well as she can un-
der her mountain load of misfortunes. We are
poor, but thank God we are honest. Incorruptible,
we suspect no man with British gold coming to buy
us, until the overt act. The young men of Illinois
expect, in their day, to see her out of debt; and they
are all bent on paying interest, to some extent, im-
mediately; and that extent depends much, very
much, on the action of this Congress; and I may
say the same of Indiana, Michigan, and other west-
ern indebted States. In these views, I believe all
my colleagues, and all our respective constituents,
and all the West, concur. We have a pride in hav-
ing our State solvent once more, and paying every
cent of her liabilities without any legal quibbles or
dishonorable comprises. And a glorious consum-
mation will that be for' us all. For one, when it ar-
rives, I would say, with the good man of old, "Lord,
now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for
mine eyes have seen our salvation." Sir, I would
celebrate the day of such an event like a jubilee.
Ay, sir, next after the birth-day of our Saviour, and
the day on which American independence was de-
clared, I would worship the day that redeems Il-
linois from bankruptcy and debt—the day of her
credit restored, and her honor regained.
SPEECH OF MR. DEAN,
of ohio.
In the House of Representatives, January 2,1844.—In
Committee on the Whole, on the bill to refund
Gen. Jackson's fine.
Mr. DEAN addressed the House as follows:
Mr. Chairman: I do not propose to go into a mi-
nute account of this transaction, or to discuss ela-
borately the principles of constitutional law which
have met with the attention of the honorable gentle-
man from New York [Mr. Barnard ] The history
of this case has long been before the American peo-
ple, and is well known to them. There are, how-
ever, some particular facts and some principles of
law applying to this case, which, if I have time, I
intend to examine and discuss before I conclude my
remarks. But my principal motive in addressing
the committee, at this time, is to reply to some of
the remarks made the other day by the gentleman
from New York. That gentleman had asked the
question, ^Whether martial law had been declared, or
whether it had been found ncccssary to declare
martial law for the defence of Washington or Balti-
more; and, if not, why was it necessary for the safe-
ty of New Orleans?
There was another remark of that gentleman
which attracted my attention; that gentleman
had asked, Why this justice had been allowed
so long to slumber? why this great party, now in
power, seeking to do justice to the old hero on this
occasion, had permitted that justice to slumber for
one-fourth of a century? I confess that this remark
had struck me with great force; it brought my mind
back to a reflection on the fact thatthis mighty nation
was governed, or professed to be governed, by prin-
ciples of justice; and that a case so palpably just,
should have been so long neglected by those who
had controlled the political destiny and managed
the affairs of the country. Sir, they have been re-
miss upon this subject, and permitted it to slumber
until the people throughout this wide-spread coun-
try have spoken in tones of thunder, and demanded
that immediate justice should be done in this mat-
ter. You have heard the voice of the people from
the North and th« South, from the East and
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/68/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.