The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 783
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April, 1844.
28th Cong 1st Sess.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
783
Bargain .and intrigue—Mr. Boyd...
H. of Reps.
"Holse of Represe.ntativks,
".April 2s, 1844.
"Sir: The public notice having1 been called to a letter
said to have been written by j ou at Washington city the
8th of January, 18-25, addressed to Francis P. Blaii, then a
resident of Frankfort, Kentucky, touching the then pending
presidential election, in which it is charged you said to Mr
Blair, among other things, in substance as follows:
" 'A friend ofAIr. Adams comes to me with tears in his eyes,
and says: Sir, Mr. Adams has always had the greatest re-
spect lor you, and the highest admiration for your talents
There is no station to which you are not equal. You were
undoubtedly the second choice of New England; and I pray
you to Consider whether the public good and your own iu-
ture interests do not distinctly point" you to the course
which you ought to pursue. ■
" 'Xy friends entertain the belief that theii kind wishes to-
wards me will, in the end, be more likely to be accomplish-
ed by so bestowing their votes, lour representative is in-
clined to concur with us m these sentiments; and as 1 know
his respect for your opinions, i request, if you concur m
our views, that you will write to him by return mail to
strengthen him m his inclinations. Show this to Crittenden
alone.'
"To avoid all misappiehension, therefore, and to the end
that even-handed justice may be done to all, we respectfully
ask to be informed whether such a letter over existed, and
if so, that you will furnish for publication (if withmyour
roach) the original or a copy of said letter; or if not within
your reach, that yon will give full authority to Mr. Blair to
publish said letter, or a certified copy of it.
"Respectfully, your obedient servants,
"Hon. H. Clay."
Mr. White (Mr. B. yielding the floor) remarked
to his colleague, that he could not enter into any-
such partnership. He could only say to his col-
gue—and he did it with the utmost confidence—
t if he would address such a letter to Mr. Clay,
jno doubt would frankly respond to him, and
nv off every shackle upon the subject.
Mr. Boyp said, I choose to call on Mr. Clay
and his friends in my place, as a representative
of the people, to give an explanation as to
this letter. I do not care to encounter the abuse I
might receivc from my distinguished fellow-Ken-
tuekian if I should approach him on this subject in
my" private capacity, unless I should go under the
shield of my colleague. But, in my public charac-
ter, I do not hesitate to call #>n Mr. Clay and his
friends to tear away the veil of mystery which
hangs around this letter. That it existed, we have
the admission of Mr. Clay himself, in his refusal to
let it be published m J828; of its substance, and a
portion of its language, we have a statement which
has remained over fifteen years uncontradicted and
unexplained. If there be anything wrong about it
—any misrepresentation or misconception—let us
have the letter; let the world judge for itself, and let
amplejustice be done to Mr. Clay, as well as to
those who are accused of bringing false charges
against him.
His-dolleague had asked the other day how he
(MrJ B.) could advert to the evidence in this case
without a blush; and now, said Mr. B.,if blushes
rise on reading such testimony, they will be on oth-
er cheeks than mine.
Mr. White said he did not intend the remark for
hio colleague.
Mr. Boyd said: Sir, although impartial men may
believe, as I do myself, that there was no technical
bargain entered into between Mr. Adams and Mr.
Clay, in their own proper persons, yet it does seem
to me that no one free from prejudice can carefully
examine the ciicumstanccs and evidence m the case
without the most thorough conviction that it was
understood by the parties that Mr. Clay's appoint-
ment to the office of Secretary of State would result
from the election of Mr. Adams to the presidency;
that the vote of Kentucky was cast for Mr. Adams
with that view, and for the further object of promo-
ting Mr. Clay's prospects for the presidency, in ut-
ter disregard of the vpiil/of that State. And in this,
the most favorable view of the transaction, it merit-
ed the condemnation it lias received at the hands of
the American people.
Mr. Boyd said his colleague had introduced in
evidence Mr. Clay's own declarations to General
Lafayette and others, as well as the opinions of the
editor of the Richmond Enquirer and others, to
prove his innocence. His own declarations were
met at the time by proof of counter declarations,
and the opinions quoted were expressed while their
authors were ignorant of a large portion of the evi-
dence afterwards elicited. He had not done Mr.
Ritchie the justice to state that, after the expres-
sions quoted by him were used, he, [Mr. Ritchie,]
on the disclosure of further evidence, publicly le-
canled his first opinion.
Mr. Whits (Mr. Boyd yielding) said his col-
league, in every statement he had professed to give,
M st&td it fairly, as far as he bad gone, but he
had omitted much of the testimony. With refer-
ence to the Richmond Enquirer, he would refer his
colleague to the article in that paper of February,
1825, for his (Mr. W.'s) quotation, of which Mr.
Ritchie complained, and he would find that he
(Mr. W.) had taken every line, every syllable,
which had any just application to the matter.
Mr. Boyd said, as to that matter, he would turn
lus colleague over to Mr. Ritchie.
But if the opinions of men are to be taken as
good evidence in favor of Mr. Clay, they are equally
good against him. What will my colleague make
of the following?
'•] assert,*' (says Mr. McDuffie, of South Carolina,) "and
am willing to stake my humble stork of reputation upon
the truth of the assertion, that the cncumstances of the ex-
traordinary coalition between Adams and Clay furnish as
strong evidence of an abandonment of political principle
on the part of Air. Clay, and of a corrupt political bargain
between him and Mr Adams as is ordinarily required to
establish the g'uilt of those who are charged in a court of
quarter sessions with the common crimes known to the
law "
I could point to a distinguished member of Con-
gress on this floor who is said also to have con-
curred in a strong expression of opinion on this
subject.
Mr. Weller inquired to whom the gentleman
alluded.
Mr. Boyd replied, Mr. Willougiiby Newton.
The resolutions were as follows:
"Rrsvlved, That we regard the evidence already before
the public as amply sufficient to verify the charge of a cor-
rupt understanding between John Qumcy Adams and Henry
Clay, by wlucli they were enabled to elevate each other to
office, contiary to the Uiorgest indications, of the nm&Ik-s of
the people
"Resolved, That we regard the example thus set, of ex-
posing to auction the highest offices of state, as on indeli-
ble stain on the republican party of our country, and as
marking the approach of that decay of public morals, w hich
is the constant forerunner of the ruin of republics."
An address of the central Jackson committee for
North Carolina (understood to be from the pen of
Geo. E. Badgei, Gen. Harrison's late Secretary of
the Navy) was issued in 1828, which contains the
following opinion as to the considerations upon
which Mr. Adams was elected, viz:
"Thus, then, as we conceive, it sufficiently appear? that
Jackson, the man of the people, v, as, at the last election, de-
feated, not upon any consideration5? of comparative merit
between 3N*i. .Adams ami himself, 1 ut in oidei that Mr Clay
might he Secretary of Ftate, and heir apparent to the presi-
dency. And can itbe seriously contended that jou ought,
or that you properly can, give' your sanction to this ap.«bta-
cy from principle, your support <o this ambitious project'
Because Mr Clay once forgot his duty and imposed upon
the nation a President whom the nation did not desire,
ought you to foiget \our inteiests and jour rights, ofter a
leward to treachery, and thus sot an example fatal to the
fair and equal operation of our constitution' To a* sort that
you ought, seems little short of an insult to common sense."
On the title-page of this address. I find the names
of the Jackson electoral ticket for 1828, among
whom are Willie P. Mangum, (mow President of the
Senate,) E. B. Dudley, and other distinguished citi-
zens of North Carolina.
In 1827 the Tennessee legislature, with only two
negatives in (he Senate, and unanimously in the
House of Representatives, adopted a preamble and
resolutions which contain the following declarations,
viz:
"Political hostility and pert-onal estrangement had for
several years, and on momentous subjects, separated him-
self and A'lr Clay. No approach to union, no inclination
for amity, was manifested b> either, until it w as a^eeit;uutd
that, as "long as they obeyed the principle and supported
the opinions which had formed then ie.spect.\e pretensions
and product"! their avowed opposition, the power at which
the\ giasped was not be gained, that cont'nucd disunion
x.'ouhl frustrate, and that nr-dant combination would
gratify, their mutual ambition: then, and not till then,
long-cherished disiinst was mutually forgotten, oft-
expressed opinions were practically renounced, and
adverse principles openly abandoned Farh ln^ame
tlio art.fic 'rofthatmnivs promotion, wbo«e depletion, isp
to the moment, had been a chief object of his exertion The
highest amount of executive power was diwded, and the
closest fraternity of political foitune \\ a,-< established be-
tween them. "What is enormous need not tie e\..ger<xted;
what is flagrant require- no demonstration Mi Adai'S
desired the office of President: he w< nt into theeombnici-
tion without it, and came out with it Mr Clov desiied
that of Secretary of State, he went into the combination
without it, and came out with it Of this transaction the
Amplest history is the best anah sis "
"The members ofthis general asstmblv therefore, in pro-
testing against the election of Mr Adams as mpure and
anti-republican, are sensible of no precipitancy of judgment,
are too great licence of language Unwilling to assert \\ h '
is doubtful, thev pre determined to sp'-ak hat is tuu* nor
do th."} deem it n^ces^-aiy to foitify their piot-^t 1. the nu-
me:ous colUWai. pioof> to be derived ( ilhti from the con-
tradictions contained m the studied \ indication of the Secre-
tary of State: from the confessions of his friend, his col-
league, and hi$ champion, or from the pertinent and concur-
ring reminiscences of respectable witnesses
Among those who voted m the ofiirmntive. I find
the names of E. H. Foster, * present senator, R.
Cheatham, E. Hurst, and J. A. Rogers.
I find also that the Hon. John Bell, late Secretary
of War, in a letter, dated Sept. 17, 1827, expressed
the following opinions, viz:
"I have seen the highest and most important office in the
government filled by means and under circumstances af-
fording all the evidences of a coalition formed upon the basis
of mutual benefits to be received and conferred, indepen-
dently of any controverted point in the details, that the
public can ever expect the light of, in any combination
that has been, or may be, entered into, to defeat the will of
the people. Ambitious and aspiring politicians, who have
great characters to sustain, and sense enough totgu&rd
against the common blunders of the less practised adepts in
the arts of intrigue and managements forming coalitions,
will but seldom expose themselves to thedanger of detec-
tion from positive proof It is not, therefore, in my view, of
so much importance to consider whether a possibility of in-
nocence can be admitted in favor of the parties implicated,
as to determine whether the presumption to the contrary is
not so great m the present instance, that their continuance
in office would be incompatible" with the. safety and
well-being of our political institutions."
These opinions, I believe without exception, were
formed and expressed before the disclosure of Mr.
Clay's letter to Mr. Blair, showing by what machi-
nery, put in operation by Mr. Clay himself, the
votes of members of Congress were controlled.
After that event the people expressed their opinion
at the polls. Of the electoral votes there were
given—
For General Jackson, 209.
For Mr. Adams 62. J
Of the popular votes, there were given
For General Jackson, about 643,096.
For Mr. Adams, about 507,412.
Thus was the coalition of Adams and Clay con-
demned by the country, chiefly on the ground that
it was impure in its origin. Nor do I think their
judgment will be reversed, unless it be by a new
generation, who, like my colleague, have never seen
the testimony.
Mr. B. then adverted to Mr. Clay's course on the
bankrupt law. There never was, said he, a more
glaring outrage on the will of constituents than Mr.
Clay's refusal to vote for the repeal of that law at the
session of 1841--2. Through the members of the
House of Representatives, through the legislature,
through every practicable channel, the will of the
will of the people of Kentucky had come up to their
senators demanding their votes in favor of repeal*
Mr. Clay not only refused to vote for the repeal, but
denounced the act he was required to do as cruel
and inhuman in the last degree, thus casting the
severest censure on those who made the call on him
and on his colleagues in both Houses of Congress,
who had yielded a ready obedience. Prior to 1824
Mr. Clay held the doctrine that a representative was
bound to carry out the will of bis constituents, no
matter how he came to a knowledge of that will; but
in the presidential election of that year, he violated
his former principles, and turned his back upon
democracy, that he mi^ht be, as he ever since has
been, locked in the embraces of federalism.
llcrc the Speaker's mallet fell, indicating the ter-
mination of Mr. Boyd's hour.
noti:s.
I The opponents of Mr. .Adams's admirn&tration, in Ken-
tuck} , or at lea^t that portion of them who had acquiescod
in or promoted his election, dad not at first charge as corrupt
the unde!-tandmg bv which he was made 1'icsident, and
?h t lay Secretary ot State The character of the contro-
\ ersy w <:s changed, however, by Mr. Maj's declaration in
his add less to the public, commerumj* on General Jackson's
letter to Waiter Btiveilr, dated Lexington, 20th June, 18*27.
To appreciate the giounds of that change, the following ex*
tiaet*. from that address should be read in connection with
the foresjomg evidence, particularly the quotations fiom
.Mr. Clay's letter to Mr Blair, \ic:
"1 neither made, nor authorized, nor knew oi, any prop-
osition uhdkvrr to cither of the three candidates who
wen' returned to the House of Representative^ at the last
pi1 ientidl eh c'tiou. or to the blonds oi either of them, for
t! e purpose oi influencing the result of the election, orfor
any othnr puipose And all allegations intimations, and
mueudoo, that my vote, on that occasion, oftered to
be given, or v..is m fact uiven, in consideration of any stip-
ulation or understrirdiiisc, < xpve-sed or implied, dnect or in-
direct written or \eibal, that I was. or that any other per-
son u as not. to be appointed Secretaiy ol State, or that i
was. in am other manner, to be pei^onallv 1 enefited, are
devoid of all truth, and destitute of any foundation vhat-
e\ er v
"It will be universally admitted that the accusation is of
the ."est se'ious nature IIoitMy any inoie atioi.iou4- could
bep-efened a£*aln>ta repre^ntav,ve ot the people in bis
ofheul character, 'the chaise in substance ic. that delib-
erate 'propositions of bargain" were made by my congres-
sional fuends collectively, through an authorr/'-d and dis-
tinguished member ol Congress, to General Jackson; that
their object Was, by these" 'rm an* of bargain and eorrup.
tion,'iu excluSe ilrl ftom the Department of States
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/793/: accessed April 19, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.