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20
THE WAR IN TEXAS.
to the vigorous grasp of George IV., the United
States should have been informed that if Cuba were
to continue permanently Spanish, so Texas, and in
general the whole shore along the Gulf, should ensure
to the Mexican republic.
'- The reference made by the Right Hon. Gentleman
to communications, official as well as private,
from the late Mr. Jefferson, descriptive of the eager
and deep rooted longings of the American statesmen
for slices of Mexico, and above all things, for the
Island of Cuba, will not, we are sure, be lost upon
the memory of his Majesty's Government in its
fqture transactions with the Spanish Cabinet, with
that of Mexico, and of the United States. With
Spain we have a defensive alliance, ready made and
consolidated by the most obvious interest, to prevent
Cuba from falling a prey to the systematic aggrandizement
of the United States. With Mexico, we
are equally identified in resistance to the attempts of
the same States upon Texas "
It must be observed that the principal advocates
of measures for the acquisition of Texas,
in the United States, previous to this period,
were the southern slaveholdLrs;-and their in.
fluence was now paramount in the Cabinet.
But finding that the territory could not be obtained
by negotiation and purchase, and well
knowing that no legal claim to it could possi.
bly be sustained, the government declined
pressing thle matter further at the time. The
writers for the newspaper press, too, now
ceased to urge it upon the public attention.
Yet the scheme was by no means abandoned.
A different mode of operations was planned
and adopted, for the ultimate and certain accomplishment
of their object. It was known
that nearly all the co!onists in Texas were originally
from our slaveholding States, and either
slave-holders themselves, or friendly to the
re-establishment and perpetuation of the system
of slavery there. 1 he plan thenceforth
pursued was, to misrepresent the Mexican
laws and colonial regulations, relative to slavery,
and induce the emigration of persons fa.
votirable to their views, until their numerical
and physical strength should enable them to
take advantage of some critical conjuncture,
and sutbject the country, at least, to their le.
gislative control. Should they succeed in this
they believed that they would, finally, be able
to carry their whole design into effect-which
could be done either by the future attachment
of the territory to the northern Union, or to a
new contederacy that might eventually be organized.
still more favorab;e to the principle
and practice of slaveholding. As I have stated
before, in my previous remarks, the private
correspondence kept up for this purpose was
very extensive, and the emigration from our
southern states to the Texas coutintry continued
to increase. Slaves were taken in without
hesitation, and men of wealth, enterprise, and
influence, throughout the southern and southwestern
States, lent their countenance and aid
to the scheme.
From the commencement of their operations,
we have seen, that the "choice spirits" of thst
extensive, unholy combination of slaveholders
and land-jobbers, who have swayed the destinies
of Texas, have steadily and undeviatingly
pulrsued their object. They have constantly
adhered to their settled, original purpose,
however they may have occasionally relaxed
their open, undisguised effoirts. It is true,
their rashness sometimes led them into the
adoption of premature measures, and they
were compelled to halt, and even to retrace
their steps, for the moment. Those who had
neither character nor property at stake, and
those at a distance froi'm the scene of action,
were more reckless of consequences than the
substant!al settlers in thle country, on whom
the weight of responsibility must necessarily
fall. This was strikingly exemplified in the
case of Austin's treasonable attempt, which resutilted
in his imprisonment by order of the
general government. Calculating on the intestine
difficulties of the Republic, he was
prompted to the commission ot overt acts
before their plans were sufficiently matured.
The following letter (to which I have before
alluded) will throw some additional light upon
this part of our subject. It will be seen that
he was pushed forward against his own will
and better judgment, while he candidly admits
that the colonists had no cause of complaiat
against the government. Some precious
confessions, indeed, are here recorded, which
cannot fail to make the most forcible impressions
on the mind of the reader.
From the New Orleans Bulletin.
The following letter from Col. Stephen F. Austin,
was written immediately after his arrest by the
Mexican Government, and is published in our latest
Texas papers. We re-publish it as interesting to
those who are seeking information of that fertile and
promising region, its government and politics.
MONTERRZY, Jan. 17, 1834.
To the .lyuntanuento of San Felipe de .ustin:
I have been arrested by an order from the minister
of war, and leave soon for Mexico to answer to a
charge made against me, as I understand, for writing
an officio to the Ayuntamiento of Bexar, dated 21st
October las', advising, or rather recommending that
they should consult amongst themselves for the pur.
pose of organizing a local government for Texas, in
the event that no remedies could be obtained for the
evils that threatened that country with ruin.
I do not in any manner blame the Government for
arresting me, and I particularly request that there
may be no excitement about it.
I give the advice to the people there, that I have
always given, keep quiet, discountenance all revolutionary
measures or men, obey the State authorities
and laws so long as you are attached to Coahuila,
have no more conventions, petition through the legal
channels, that is through the Ayuntamiento and chief
of department, harmonize fully with the people of
Bexar and Goliad, and act with them.
The general government are disposed to do erey
thing for Texas that can be done to promote its prosperity
and welfare that is consistent with the constitution
and laws, and I have no doubt the state government
will do the same if they are applied to in a pro.
per manner.
It will be remembered that I went to Mexico as a
public agent with specific instructions, and a such,
that it was my duty to be governed by them, and by