The war in Texas; a review of facts and circumstances, showing that this contest is a crusade against Mexico, set on foot by slaveholders, land speculators, & c. in order to re-establish, extend, and perpetuate the system of slavery and the slave trade. Page: 59 of 64
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MEXICAN PROTEST AGAINST THE RECOGNITION OF TEXAS.
When these measures became known to the
Mexican Government, the General Congress of
that Republic issued the following PRO IES r
against them. Tlieir Charge d' Aftfaires,
resident in this country, was also directedl to
break off his intercourse with our Government,-as
the Minister Plenipotentiary had
Of the Mexican Government against the recognition
of Texian Independence.
From the Diario del Gobitrno, April 10, 1837.
[Translated for the National Enquirer.]
To his Excellency, the Secretary of Foreign Relalations
of the United States ot America. Palace of
the National Government, Mexico, Mar-ch 31,
The undersigned, Principal Secretary, charged
with the Department of Foreign Relations of the
Mexican Republic, has the honor of addressing the
Secretary of the same Department of the Government
of the United States of America, in order to
manifest to him the just surprise, with which H. E.
the President, ad interim, of this republic has seen
the announcement made in the New Orleans Bee, of
the 13th instant of the recognition by the Congress
of the United States of the independence proclaimed
by the insurgents of Texas, and of the appointment
in consequence thereof, by that Government, of Mr.
Alcee Labranche as their minister plenipotentiary
near that of the pretended new republic.
Those steps so prematurely taken, have caused
the greater amazement in the Mexican Government,
as there was no reason to apprehend that such measures
would have been adopted, either considering
the compromises consequent to the friendship existing
between the two republics, and secured by
solemn treaties,-or to the assurances, contained in
several official acts given by the Government of the
United States, of which the undersigned takes the
liberty to cite the most recent and conclusive.
When, on the 24th of May, of the year last past,
Senor Gorostiza, the Minister of Mexico near the
the Government of the U. S., by reason of the proposal
made in the Senate, for the acknowledgment
of the independetnce of Texas-in consequence of the
reverse suffered by our troops on the 21st Aprilcalled
the attention of that government to the claims
of Mexico to Texas, and her means of enforcing
them, the Honorable John Forsyth, Secretary of X
Foreign Affairs manifested to him, in answer, of the I
29th of the same month, which the undersigned has ;
before him, that he had received instructions from i
the President of the United States to assure him, I
that no decisive resolution whatever upon that ques- s
tion would be taken by that government unless t
founded upon the same rules and principles which (
guided it in the former disputes between Spain and f
the Hispano-American States: that, when all the
facts were known and not before,---after a complete, t
impartial and.careful examination, keeping in view (
all the considerations due to the friendly obligations r
existing between the two republics, that Government
would proceed to decide on a question which it con- e
sidered, as did the Mexican Minister, of the utmost
importnce in its immediate relations, and unavoid- w
able results. f
Such was precisely the language used by the Se- r
cretarv at the end of May of the year last past, im- s
mediately after the only triumph obtained by the g
insurgents. Now let the undersigned be allowed to c
ask:- Has the case supposed by Mr. Forsyth already
occurred ? Do the Texians find themuselves, with respect
to Mexico, in the position in which the Mexicans
were with respect to Spain, when their independence
was acknowledged by the United States?
Is there any point of identity between a nation of
upwards of six millions of inhabitants, who by their
single efforts shook off the yoke of oppression, after a
sanguinary struggle of eleven years, and cast out
beyond the ocean the domineering hosts,-and some
few thousands of- vagrants without country, without
religion, without virtues, without laws, asnd threatened
bv a numerous army, which is marching full of enthusiasm
to recover the laurels denied to it by ca.
pricious fate at San Jacinto? Shall the atrocious
injury be done to Mexico of supposing her so weak
that, unable to vindicate her rights to -the territory
which those wretched adventurers haveusurped from
her, she should consent to'the establishment of that
ridiculous republic? If the undersigned were to stop
to give the solution himself to these questions, he
would render his note irksome by its length, and
offend the known enlightened understanding of. the
Secretary whom he is addressing.
Another document, no less interesting than the
one already mentioned, the undersigned has likewise
before him. The Honorable Secretary will readily
perceive that he refers to the message addressed by
H. E. the President, General Jackson, to the House
of Representatives, dated the 21st December, ult,
on transmitting to it extracts from the report of the
agent which he had appointed, and sent to learn the
political, military, and civil condition of Texas, pursuant
to the resolution of the two Houses of Congress,
declaring that the independence of Texas should be
acknowledged by that government as soon as satisfactory
accounts were received that a government
existed there capable of discharging the dtuties, and
fulfilling the obligations of an independent power.
This official document, founded on the solid basis
of justice and equity, and in which shine the most
sublime principles of the law of nations,was published
in the journals of the United States, as another additional
guarantee given to Mexico that her rights
would be respected. All its contents are interesting;
every thing tends to ensure the neutrality of the
United States in the tquestion between Mexico and
Texas. After establishing general principles, it
characterizes the act of the acknowledgment of a new
State as very delicate, and of great responsibility: it
establishes that a premature acknowledgment, if it
is not considered as a justifiable cause of war, is
always subject to be looked upon as a ptroof of a hostile
spirit towards one of the belligerenit parties: it
assulres that every question relative to thegovermnents
of foreign nations, has always been looked upon by
the United States as seditious, and that they have
abstained from giving credit to them until after obtaining
the clearest evidence, in order not only to
lecide correctly, but also to preserve their decisions
rom every unworthy imputation.
Descending afterwards to particular eases, it brings
to mind the prudence whicli they observed in the
montroversv between Spain and her colonies, waiting
lot only till the capability of the new States to support
themnelves should be fully proved, but till
-very probability of their being subdued anew should
kave entirely disappeared: and eontining itself aftervards
to the question of Texas, describes the mis.
brtune which happened at Sin Jacinto, and its im.
nediate consequences; but at the same time it oom.
iders worthy of attention the resourccs which the
overnment put in operation to repair it, judging
onsequentiy that, until knowing the results of tbhe
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Lundy, Benjamin. The war in Texas; a review of facts and circumstances, showing that this contest is a crusade against Mexico, set on foot by slaveholders, land speculators, & c. in order to re-establish, extend, and perpetuate the system of slavery and the slave trade., book, 1837; Philadelphia. (texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2414/m1/59/: accessed July 23, 2017), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, texashistory.unt.edu; .