Texas Jewish Post (Fort Worth, Tex.), Vol. 16, No. 19, Ed. 1 Thursday, May 10, 1962 Page: 2 of 12
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• HINTS FROM ROME ECUMENICAL MEETING
Page 2-Fort Worth Texas Jewish. Post Thursday, May 10, 1962
Church Council May Remove Stigma
ROME (WNS) — The forth- tee, in a statement issued by its
coming ecumenical council will
in all probability consider mea-
sures to remove from Jews the
stigma of “slayers of God,” it
was indicated here by Augustin
Cardinal Bea, eighty-year-old
Jesuit and one of the leading
figures in Catholicism.
On hinting a t me deve:op-
New York office, commended
Cardinal Bea, declaring that rec-
ognition by the Catholic church
of the need to remove liturgy
references that tend to stigma-
tize Jews was “a highly signi-
ficant advance’- and “a major
step forward in the betterment
ment, Cardinal Bea said the; of relations between Catholics
Catholic Church was cognizant and Jews.”
that much of the persecution of; The “exploration of the relat-
Jews through the centuries had ! ionship of religious teachings to
been due to the fact that they I 1 he persecution of Jews suggest-
were blamed for the crucifixion j ed by Cardinal Bea for the forth-
lof Jesus.
Laud Statement
The American Jewish Commit-
coming Ecumenical Council in
October 1962,” said American
Jewish Committee president
Louis Caplan, “represents a pro-
foundly courageous move which
is bound to help reduce the bar-
riers of bias that have led to
misunderstanding and conflicts
between Jews and Christians.”
Paying tribute to Pope John
XXIII ‘for having ushered in a
new spirit of understanding and
approachme-nt which have pro-
vided a basis for overcoming; an-
cient antagonisms,” Mir. Cap-
lan lauded Cardinal Bea, who
“has also worked actively to
create a new atmosphere of
friendship and improved re-
lationships between Christians
and Jews.”
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Capital Spotlight
BY HAROLD EIDLIN
WASHINGTON — In this fa- Does Congressional wrath cool?
bled city famous for its words
and deeds, it is difficult some-
times to distinguish one from
the other. For, here in this veri-
table capital of the world, words
are not always translated into
deeds.
You sit in a once-ornate, 'high-
ceilinged room in the Old House
Office Building and listen to
members of the House Commit-
tee on Foreign Affairs use words
like “shocking” aqd “blatant
disregard” in discussing Arab
discrimination against American
Jews.
Two of their colleagues —
Democrat James Roosevelt of
California and Republican Sey-
mour Halpern of New York —
have just finished testifying on
behalf of their jointly sponsored
amendment to the Mutual Sec-
urity Act which would bar U.S.
aid to any country discriminat-
ing against an American citizen
by reason of his race, color or
religion.
The questions are friendly and
leading. Indeed, there are even
two suggestions that a particu-
lar phrase in the amendment
might be too vague and subject
to loophole interpretation.
When you leave, you have the
unmistakable impression that at
least as far as the House Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs is con-
cerned ,the writing of manda-
tory legislation to withhold aid
from countries which practice
such discrimination is a virtual
certainty. What’s more, the
House Committee, you reason, is
an accurate reflection of the en-
tire membership so that passage
of the Committee — written
measure is just a matter of
counting the votes.
But then you return to reality.
The first glimpse of the Capitol
Dome as you step outside breaks
your train of thought. This is
Washington, where, to use a
cliche, things are often not what
they seem.
The reality is that the Roose-
velt-Halpern amendment not
only has no chance of passing
the House — in the view of ex-
perts here — but the odds are
that the House will not even get
to vote on it since the Commit-
tee is hardly likely to write it
into its Mutual Aid Bill.
What happens in the period
between words and deeds to so
radically alter . your picture?
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The answer, in one sentence,
is that while Congressional an-
ger is genuine and sustained, it
is tempered by the realization
that U.S. foreign affairs are the
responsibility of the executive,
and that any Congressional at-
tempt to hamstring the execu-
tive through mandatory legisla-
tion would seriously affect our
relations with other countries.
This sense of the division of
the responsibilities of the var-
ious branches of government is
even more keenly felt in the tra-
dition-bound Senate where leg-
islation such as the Rooseveit-
Halpern Bill would not have a
glimmer of hope. Thus, another
very real obstacle to enactment
of such mandatory legislation.
Even if by some chance the
constituent-conscious House of
Representatives were to pass the
Roosevelt-Halpern Bill it would
toe promptly turned down by the
Senate — a large majority of
whose members, too, are as deep-
ly disturbed by Arab travel and
trade bans against American
Jews as are members of the
House.
Is this legislative double-talk?
In the context of the overall ob-
jectives of U.S. foreign policy it
can hardly be so described.
How, then, explain the dis-
crepancy between word and
deed?
With a history of years of dis-
crimination as a backdrop, Con-
gress has been growing progres-
sively restless with the execu-
tive’s ability, or unwillingness—
and this applies both to present
and past administrations — to
take firm steps to eliminate reli-
gious discrimination by Arab na-
tions. The State Department has
persistently maintained that
while it abhors such bias, it be-
lieves it can eventually succeed
in reversing this Arab practice
through quiet diplomacy.
Members of Congress com-
plain that the diplomacy is both
too quiet and too slow. Yet, they
grudgingly concede the State De-
partment point that more direct
action — mandatory legislation
prohibiting aid to guilty coun-
tries, for example—would only
serve to needle the Arab states
still further. Lawmakers have
thus been forced to tread a thin
line between voicing their indig-
nation and mustering enough
votes to force the administration
to take steps it feels would be
against the country’s overall
best interests.
There is a general belief here
now that the most reasonable—
and realistic — approach is the
one which Congress has seemed
to adopt within the past- two
years. Both Houses have passed
strongly worded resolutions ex-
pressing “the sense of Congress’.’
in opposition to discriminatory
practices and urging the “execu-
tive departments” to take cogni-
zance of this opposition.
What these resolutions do
is serve constant notice on the
administration that an overwhel-
mingly majority of Congress is
incensed over Arab treatment of
American Jews, while at the
same time just stopping short oif
mandatory legislation.
And this is what is likely to
emerge again this year—another
strongly worded resolution call-
ing on U.S. officials to continue
their efforts to end the bias,
plus a possible request for perio-
dic reports on what progress to-
ward this end is being made.
Observers here agree that it
is the most — and the least —
Congress can do.
__0__
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Wisch, J. A. Texas Jewish Post (Fort Worth, Tex.), Vol. 16, No. 19, Ed. 1 Thursday, May 10, 1962, newspaper, May 10, 1962; Fort Worth, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth753612/m1/2/: accessed April 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .