The Washington American. (Washington, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 13, Ed. 1 Friday, February 1, 1856 Page: 1 of 4
four pages : ill. ; page 20 x 14 in. Digitized from 35 mm. microfilm.View a full description of this newspaper.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
¡ám
II fill1
Jim
|Éab
tmmmküim
saMaüaiW
DEVOTED TO NEWS, POLITICS, TEMPERANCE, EDUCATION, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND THE PROGRESS OF MANKIND
ok w. PBRsnvs *to Co,
yolumeT
" Heaven and earth shd.il Witness, if Ámíríea mast fall that we are innoreat."
WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY lV 1856
sV
Ma$|kgtmr^mfricaK
FUBLISED EVERY FRIDAY BY
Kk W. PERKINS & CO.
• ASBKfB ¥0R THE AMERICAN.
Hnnfcsville, u W. H. Randolph.
•Madisenvillé, - V-S. Shepherd,
tbntarvflle, - *. Nash.
Johti Henry.
W. W. McPhail.
L. G. Lock hart.
Maj. Liken.
II. S. Newland.
G. B. Reed.
W. H. Wheelock.
9km Blane.
J. A. Hargrove.
Frank Lipscomb.
Judge E. Waller
M. Clark.
J. S.Riley.
J. Bnckholts.
Íoh* Nunn.
W. M. Scalfom.
J. C. Cunningham.
J. W. Brown.
Mack Anderson.
. w W. Morris.
Houston, J. B. Hogan and J S. Taft
James Green.
Dr. J. Hough.
Thos. Ruckman.
N. Branch.
Thos. C. Oats.
Dr. W. D. Eastland.
C. K. Hall.
Post Masters, generally, are re-
ly requested to act as our agents.
Carctcaak,
Muskeet,
Rusk,
Nacogdoches,
Boonvillfc,
Ytry
w nceiocK,
Marlin,
Port Sulivan,
Bellville,
Sa Fillipe,
Fayetteville,
Caldwell.
Cameron,
Lexington,
Plum Grove,
Cunningham P. 0
Webberville,
San Antonio,
Georgetown,
Mantgpmery,
La Grange,
HeJttaa,
Bell ton,
Bistros.
EST p
spectfully r<
spect
TXKMS 07 SUB8CSI7TI0K.
Subscriptions for one year, $3,00, for six
tyninfaa, $2.00 for three months, $1,50, to be
ptMita advance, in every case, without any
exception. Two copies one year #5,00.—
Any one sending us Ave cash paying
subeeribers, will be furnished a copy gratis.
No subscription taken for a less time than
one year, unless a special understanding is
made with the publishers.
No paper will be discontinued '(except at
the option of the publishers) until aR ar-
rearages are paid.
AU dues to this office may be remitted
per mail in goeá and available Bank Motes,
at the risk of Ae Publishers.
TXBX8 or ixnazatsb.
One dollar per square of 8 lines <or less,
for the first insertion, and fifty cents for
ead* fenbswprent insertion, if paid In advance;
if not, fifty per cent will be added to the
amount. Longer advertisements in the same
proportion. To those who advertise by the
year, a reasonable reduction from the above
rates will be made, provided cash payment
are made quarterly m advance. No adver-
tisement will be charged by thajtear unless
a special understanding is mdh with the
publishers; and they will also b^required to
confine their advertisements strictly to one
branch of business; and any advertisement
from.a yearly advertiser, not directly ap-
pertaining to the business referred to ia his
yearly advertisements, will be charged ex tra.
The number of insertions required must
be stated or marked on the advertisement,
or they will be inserted until ordered out,
and charged f^r accordingly.
Eighty words or less, will constitute a
square. An Advertisement over 80 words
will be counted as two squares, if over 160
words three squarc&and so on.
No advertisement will be discontinued, un-
til all arrearages are paidT except at the op-
tion of the publishers.
Professional Cards, (per annum,) ten lines
or less, $10,00 in advance, or $12,00, not in
advance.
Announcing candidates for State, District
or Legislature, $8,00; for county $5,00 pay
able in advance -if payment be delayed 50
i added to ~
per cent, will be <
the amount.
WASHINGTON TUESMT, JANUARY 29th, 1856.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Continued from last Bomber.
CONSTITUTIONAL THEOBV OF THE GOVERN-
I have thus passed
state of the Union, in
lar concerns of
whether of demi
it appeared ta jan
bring to ttite speck
in review the general
lading such particu-
federal government
fereign relation, as
and useful to
of Congress.—
Unlike the great states of Europe and Asia,
and many of those of America, the United
States are wasting their strength neither in
foreign war nor domestic strife* Whatever
of discontent or public dissatisfaction exists,
is attributable to the imperfections of hu-
man nature, or is incident to all govern-
ments, however perfect, which human wis-
dom can devise. Such subjects of political
agitation, as occupy the public mind, consist
to agreat extent, of exaggeration of inevita-
ble evils, t* over zeal in social improvement,
or mere imaginatien of grievance, having
but remote connexion with any of the con-
stitutional functions or duties of (he federal
government. To whatever extent these
questions exhibit a tendency menancing to
the stability of the Constitution, or the in-
tegrity of the Union, and no farther, they
demand the consideration of the Executive,
and require to be presented by him to Con-
gress.
Before the Thirteen Colonies became a
confederation of independent States, they
were associated only by community of traus-
Atlantic origin, by geographical position,
and by the mutual tie of commoi depend-
ence on Great Britain. When that tie was
sundered, they severally assumed the pow-
ers and rights of absolute self-government.
The municipal and social institutions of each,
its laws of property fcnd of personal relation,
even its political organization, were such
only as each one choose to establish, wholly
without interfence from any other. In the
language of the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, each State had *'full power to levy
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, es-
tablish commerce, and do all other acts and
things which independent States may of
right do." The several colonies differed in
climate, in soil, in natural pro luctions, in
religion, m systems of education, in legisla-
tion, and in the forms of political adminis-
tration; and they Continued to dülér in
these respects whe# they Voluntarily allied
themselves as States to carry on the war of
the Revolution.
The object oj that war was to disent
the United Colonies irom foreign rule, wi
had proved to be oppressive, and to sej_
them permanontly from the mother eounr
try ; the political result was the foundation
ef a federal republic of the free woite men
of the colonies, constituted, as they were, in
distinct, and reciprocally independent ¡State
Gouerments. As for the subject races,
whether Indian or African, the wise and
brave statesman of that day, being engaged
in no extravagant scheme of social change
left them as they were, and thus preserved
themselves and their posterity Irom the
anarchy, and the ever-recurring civil wars
which have prevailec in other re volutin ited
Europea colonies of America. •
When the confederated States found it con-
venient to modify the onditions of their asso-
ciation, by giving to the general government
direct access in some respects to the people
of the States, instead of confining it to ac-
tion on the States as such, they proceeded to
frame the existing constitution, adhering
steadily to one guiding thought, which was
to delegat only such power as was necessary
and proper to the execution of specific pur-
poses! or in other words, to retain as much
as possible, consistently with those pupor-
ses, of the independent poweps of the indi-
vidual States. For objects of common
defence and security, they intrusted to the
general government certain carefully-defined
All personal matters, when admissable,i functions, leaving oil others as the undelega-
of advertí- ted rights of the separate indepandent sever-
wifl be charged double the rates
sing.
Calls on parsons to become candidates
will be inserted as other advertisements, to
be paid in. every instance in advance.
All obituaries and tributes of respect ex-
ceeding fifteen lines, Charged for as adver-
tisements.
Political, personal, and business Commu-
nications, promotive of individual interests,
will be charged the same as advertisements;
and if not paid for in advance, must be as-
sumed by some responsible person before
publication.
All advertisements, the publication of
which is required by law, must be paid for
in advance.
Extract from the law regulating fees of
"Sbc. 22. That in all cases Where a
ler process, is required to be
served by publication in a newspaper, the
duty it may be to make such
.shall be furnished with the printer's
i publication, before he shall be re-
quired to have such service made.
Job work executed with neatness and de-
spatch, and Lt law ratea, which most be paid
on delivery. .
f ; Hevspaper Law.
1. Subscribers who do not give ex-
press notice to the contrary^ are cotisier-
ed wishing to continue their subscrip-
ts If subscribers order the discontin-
tfttbee of their papers, the publisher may
continuo to send them till all that is due
be paid.
3. If subscribers neglect or refuse to
take their papers from the office to which
they are di irected they are held respons-
ible until they have settled their bill and
order their papers discontinued.
4. If subscribers remove to other
places, without informing the publishers,
and the parper ia sent to the former direc-
tion, they are held responsible.
5. The Court* have decided that ro-
fusing to take a paper or periodical from
the office, or removing d leaving it un-
called for, is prma facie evidence of
fraud.
eigpties.
Such is the constitutional theory of our
Government, the practical observance of
which has carried us, and us alone, among
modern republics, through nearly three gen-
erations of time without the cost of one
drop of blood shed in civil war. With free-
dom and concert of action, it has enabled
us to contend successfully on the battle-field
against foreign foes, has elevated the feeble
colonies into powerful States, and has rai-
sed our industrial productions, and our com-
merce which transports them, to the level of
the richest and the greatest nations of Eu-
rope, And the admirable adaptation of our
political institutions to their objects, combin-
ing local self-government with aggregate
strength,Jias established the practicability
of a Government like ours to covet a con-
tinent with confederate States.
The Congress of the United States is, in
effect^ ti at congress of sovereignties, which
good men in the Old World have sought
for, but could never attain, and Which im-
parts to America an exemption from the
mutable league fr common action, from the
wars, the mutual invasions, and vague as-
pirations after the balance of power, which
convulse fron time to time the governments
of Europe. Our co operative action rests in
the conditions of permanent confederation
prescribed by the constitution. Our balance
of power is in the separate reserved rights
of the States, and their equal representation
in the Senate. That independent sovereign-
ty in every one of the States,
against the ággregate force of the gene-
ral government. In a word, the origin
nal went into this permanent league on
the agreed premise, of exerting their
common strength for the defense of the
whole, and of all its parts; but bf utter
ly excluding all capability of reciprocal
aggression. Each solemnly bound it
self to all the others, neither to Under-
take, nor permit, any encroachment tip-
on, or intermeddling with, another's re-
served rights.
What is the voice of history ? Wheti
the ordinance, which provided for the
government of the territory northwest
of the river Ohio, and for its eventual
subdivision into new States, was adopt-
ed in the Congress of the confederation,
it is not to be supposed that the question
of futare relative power, as between the
States which retained, and those which
did not retain a numerous colored popu-
lation, escape notice, or failed to be con-
sidered. And yet the consession of that
vast territory to the interests and opin-
ions of the Northern States, a territory
now the seat of five among the largest
members of the Union, was, in great
measure, the act of the State of Virgin-
ia and of the South.
When Louisiana was acquired by the
United States, it was an acquisition not
less to the North than to the Soutb; for
while it was important to the country at
the mouth of the river Mississippi to be-
come the emporium of the country above
it, so also it was even more important to
the whole Union to have that emporium;
and although the new province, by rea-
son of its imperfect settlement, was main-
ly regarded as on the G-ulf of Mexico,
yet, ici fact, it extended to the opposite
bonndaries of the United States, with
far greater breadth above than below,
and was in territory, as in everything
else, equally at least an accession to the
Northern States. It is mere delusion
and prejudice, therefore, to speak of Lou-
isiana as acquisition in the special inter-
est of the S< uth,
The patriotic and just men, who par-
ticipated in that act, were influenced by
motives far above all sectional jealousies.
It was in truth the great event, which,
by completing for us the possession of
the valley of the Mississippi, with com-
mercial access to the Gulf of Mexico, im-
parted unity and strength to the whole
confederation, and attached together by
indissoluble ties the East and the West,
as well as the North and the South.
As to Florida, tha^ was but the trans-
fer by Spain to the United States of ter-
ritory on tbeeast side of the rivCr Mis-
sissippi, in exchange for large territqry,
which the United States transferred to
Spain on the west Bide of that river, as
the cntirte diplomatic history of the trans-
action Serves to demonstrate. Moreover,
it was an acquisiti n demanded by the
commercial interests and the security of
the whole Union.
In the meantime, the peóple of the
United States had grown up to a proper
consciousness of their strength, and in a
brief consest with Franee, and in a se-
cond serious war with Great Britain,
they had shaken off all Which remained
of undue reverence for Europe, and
emerged from the atmosphere of those
transatlantic influences which surround-
ed the infant Republic, and had begun
to turn their attention to the full and
systematic development of the internal
resources of the Union.
Among the evanescent controversies
of that period, the most conspicuous was
the question of regulation by Congress
of the social condition of the future
States to be founded in the Territory of
Louisiana.
The ordinance for the government of
the territory northwest of the river Ohio,
had contained a provision which prohib-
ited the use of servile labor within, sub-
ject to thte condition of the extradition
of fugitives from service due in any other
part of theUnited States. Subsequent-
ly to .theádoptiou of the Constitution
this provision ceased to remain as a law;
for its operation as Such was absolutely
superseded by the Constitution. But
the recollection of the fact excited the
seal of social propagandises in Bome sec-
tions of-the confederation ; aftd, when a
second State (that of Missouri) came to
be formed in the Territory of Louisiana,
propositions Were made to extend to the
latter territory the réstriction originally
applied to the country situated between
the rivers Ohio and Mississippi.
Most questionable as was this propot
sition in all its constitutional relations,
nevertheless it received the sanction of
Congress, with some slight modifications
of line, to save the existing fights of the
intended new State. It was reluctently
V* ill cvcijr wuo v* WIG uwwo, ith its re-' . 0 , Q
served rights of local self-goventment assur-1 acquiesced in by Southern states as a
ed to each by their co-equal power in the ¡ sacrifice to the cause of peace and of the
Senate, was the fun amental condition of the Union, not only of the rights stipulated
constitution. Without it the Union would ' L ''
never have existed. However desirous the
larger States might be to re-organize the
government so as to give
tion its proportionate weight in tbe common
counsels, they knew it was impossible, un-
less they conceded to the smaller ones auth-
ority to exercice at least a negative influence
on all the measures of the goveanment,
whether legislative or executive, through
their equal representation in the Senate.—
Indeed, the larger States themselves could
not have failed to perceive,' that the same
power was equally necessary to them, for
the security of their own domestic interests
by the treaty of Louisiana, but of the
principle of equality among the States
re"Organize ine nteed the constitution It waB
to their popula- gj^ ^ ^ Northert gtate8 with
angry and resentful condemnation and
complaint, because it did not concede all
which they had exactmgly demanded —
Having passed through the forms of leg-
islation, it took its place in tbe Statute
book, standing open to repeal, like any
theto act of constitutionality, subject to
be pronounced null and void by the
Courts of law, and possessing no possi-
ble efficacy to control the rights of tbe
States, which might thereafter be organ-
ized out of any part of the original ter-
ritory of Louisiana.
tn all this, if any aggression there
were, and innovation upon pr.i-existing
rights, to which portion of the Union are
they justly chargeable!
This Controversy passed away with
the occasion, tiotháog surviving it save
the dormant letteimf the Statute.
But, long afterwards, When, by the
proposed (Recession of the Republic of
Texas, the United States were to take
their next step in territorial greatness, a
similar contingency Occurred, and be-
came the occasion for systematized at-
tempts to intervene in the domestic af-
fairs of one section of the Union, in defi-
ance of the rights of States, and of tho
stipulations of the constitution. These
attempts assumed a practical direction,
in the shape of persevering endeavors, by
some of the represntatives, in both hou-
ses of Congress, to deprive the southern
States of the supposed benefit of the
provisions of the act authorizing the or-
ganization of the State of Missouri.
But the good sense of the people, and
the vital force of the constitution, tri-
umphed over seetioual prejudice, and
the political errors of the day, and the
State of Texas returned to the Union as
she was, with social institutions which
her people had chosen fir themselves,
and with express agreement, by the re-
annexing act, that she should b6 suscep-
tible of subdivision into a plurality of
States.
Where it was deemed expedient, par-
ticular rights of the States Were ex-
pressly guaranteed by tho constitution ;
but, in all things besides, these rights
were guarded by the limitation of the
powers granted, and by express reserva-
tion of all powers not granted, in the
campact of Union. Thus, great power
of taxation was limited to purposes of
common defence and general welfare, ex-
cluding objects appertaining to the local
legislation of the sevefal States; and
those purposes of general welfare and
common defence were afterwards defined
by specific enumeration, as being mat-
ters only of corelation between the
States themselves, or between them and
for«igu governments, wtfich, because of
their common and general nature, could
not be left to tbe seperate control of each
States.
Of the circumstances of local condi-
tion, interest, and rights, in which a por-
tion of the States, constituting one great
section of the Union, differed from the
rest, and from another section, the most
important was the peculiarity of a larger
relative colored population in the south-
ern than in tiie northern States.
A population of this class, held in sub-
jection, existed in nearly all the States,
but was more numerous and of more se-
rious concernment in tbe South than in
the North, on account of natural differ-
ences óf climate and production; and it
was foreseen that, for the same reasons,
while this population wotild diminish,
aud sooner or later, cease to exist, in some
States, it might increase in others. The
peculiar character ánd magnitude óf this
question of local rights, not materiál re-
lations only, but still more in social ones
caused it to enter into the special stipu-
lations of the conVectioU.
Henoe, while the general government,
as well by the enumerated powers grant-
ed to it, as by those not enumerated, and
therefore refused to it, was forbidden to
touch this matter in the sense of attack
or offense, it was placed under the gene
ral safeguard of the Union, ih the sense
of defence against either inv&sion or do
mestic violence, like all other local in-
terests of the several States. Each
State expressly stipulated, as well for it-
self as for each and all of its citizeds, and
every oitizen of each State became sol-
emnly bound by his allegiance to the
Constitution, that any person, held to
service or labor in one State, escaping
into another, sboufd not, in consequence
of any law or regulation thereof, be dis
charged from such service or labor, bnt
should be delivered up on ülaim of tbe
party to whom such service or labor
might be due by the laws of his St&te.
Thus, and thus only, by the reciprocal
guaranty of all the rights of every State
against interference on the part of an-
other, was the present form of govern-
ment established by our fathers and
transmitted to us; and by no other means
is it possible for it to exist. If one
State ceases to respect the rights of an-
other, and obtrusively intermeddles with
its local interests,—If a portion of the
States assume to impose their institu-
tions on the dthers, or refuse to fulfil
their obligations to them,—wo are no
lodger united friendly States, but dis
tracted, hostile ones, with little capacity
left of common a Ivantage, but abundant
means of reciprocal injury and mischief.
Practioally, it is immaterial whether
agressive interference between the States
or deliberate refusal on the part of áuy
one of them to comply with constitu-
tional obligations, arise from erroneous
oonviction or blind prejudice, whether it
be perpetrated by direction or indireo
tion. In either case, it is full of threat
and of danger to the durability of the
Union.
constitutional relations qp slavery
Placed in the office of Chief Magis*
trate as tbe exeoutive agent of the whole
country, bound to take care that the
laws be faithfully exeedted, and Speéiadly
enjoined by the constitution to give In-
formation tó Congress Oti the state of
the Unión, it Would be palpable neglect
of duty 0U my part to pass over a sub-
ject like this, which, beyond all things
at the present time, vitally concerns in
dividual and public security.
It has been a matter of painful regret
to see States, oonspióuous for their ser-
vices in founding this Republic, and
equally sharing ita advantages, disregard
their constitutional obligations to it. Al-
though conscious of their inability to
heal admitted and palpable sooiail evils
of their own and which are completely
within their jurisdiction, they engage in
the offensive and hopeful undertaking
of reforming the domestic institutions
of other States wholly beyond their
control and authority. In the vain pur-
suit of ends, by them entirely unattain*
able, and which they may not legally at-
tempt to compaSs, they peril the very
existence of the constitution, and all
the countless benefits wfaifth it has con-
ferred. While the people of the south-
ern States confine their own affairs, not
presuming officiously to intermeddle
with the social institutions of the north-
ern States, too many of tbe inhabitants
of the latter are permanently organized
in associations to inflict injury on the
former, by wrongful acts, which would
be cause of war as between foreign pow-
ers, and only fail to be such in our sys-
tem, because perpetrated under cover
of the UiiiJfow
It is impossible to present this sub-
ject as truth and the occasion require,
without noticing the reiterated, but
groundless, allegation, that the South
has persistantly asserted elaims and ob-
tained advantages in tbe practical admin-
istration of the general government, to
the prejudice of the North, and in which
the latter has acquiesced. That is, the
States, which either promote or tolerate
attacks on the rights Of persons and of
property in other States, to disguise their
own injustice, pretend or imagined, and
constantly aver, that they, whose con-
stitutional rights are thtis systematically
assailed, are tiieiusolvcB tlrá -gg-nrmr-
At the present time, this imputed &g*
gression, resting, as it does, only in the
vague, declamatory charges of political
agitators, resolves itself into misappre-
hension, or misinterpretation, of the
principles and facts of tbe political or-
ganisation of the new Territories of the
United States.
Whatever advantage the interests of
the Southern States, is such, gained by
this, were far inferior in results, as they
unfolded in the progress of time, to those
which sprang from previous concessions
made by the South.
To every thoughtful friend o.f the
Union,—to the true lovers of their coun-
try,—to all who longed and labored for
the full success of this great expecri-
ment of Republican institutions,—it was
cause of gratulatión that'such an oppor<
tunity had occurred to illustrate our ad-
vancing poWer on this bontinent, ánd to
furnish to the world additional assur
ance of the strength and stability of the
Constitution. Who would wish to see
Florida still a European colony ? Who
would rejoice to hail Texas as a lone
star, instead Of one in the galaxy of
States? Who does not appreciate the
incalculable benefits óf the acquisition
of Louisiana t And yet narrow views
and sectional purposes would inevitably
have excluded them all from the Uniom
But in another struggle on tbe same
point ensued, when our victorious armies
returned fróm Mexioo, and it is devolved
on Congress to provide for the Territo-
ries acquired by the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo. The great relations of the
subject bad now become distinct ánd
clear to the perception of the publL
mind, which appreciated the evils of sec-
tional controversy upon tbe question of
the admission of new States. In that
crisis intense solicitude pervaded the na-
tion. But the patriotic impulses of the
popular heart, guided by tbe admonitory
advice of the Father of his Country,
rose Superior to all the difficulties of the
incorporation of a new empire into the
Union. In the counsels of Congress
there was manifested extreme antago-
nism of opinion and aotion between some
representatives, who sought by the abu-
sive and unconstitutional employment
of the legislative powers of the govern-
ment to interfere in the condition of the
inchoate States, and to impose their Own
sooial theories upon the latter ; and otb
er representatives, who repelled the in
terposition of thegeneral government in
this respect, and maintained the'self-con
stituted rights of the States. In truth,
the thing attempted Was, in form alone,
action of the general government, while
in reality it was the endeavour, by abuse
of legislative powet to force the idieás
of internal policy, entertained ill partic-
ular S tetes, upon allied independent
States. Onco more the constitution and
the Union triumphed signally. The new
Territories were organised without re-
strictions on the disputed point, and
were thus left to judge in that particu-
lar for themselves; and the aenae of
'constitutional faith proved Vigorous
enough in Congress not only to aocom
plish this primary object, Bat also the
incidental ánd Lardly less important one,
of io atiáendin¿ tbe provisions óf the
statue for the ettriaditioii of fugitives
írom serVice^ as to place that publie duty
Under the safe-guard of the general gov-
ernikkettt, abd thus relieve It from obsta-
cles raised up by the legislation of some
of the States.
Tain declamation regarding the pro-
visions of law fortife extradition w fu-
gitives from service, with occasional epi-
sodes of frantie effort to obstruct their
execution by riot and murder, continued
for a brief time, to agitate certain local-
ities. But tbe true principle, of leaving
each State and Territory to regulate its
own laws of lábor according to its o%n
sense of right and expediency, hid ao-
quired fast hold of the public judgement,
to such a degree, that, by common con-
sent, it was observed in the organisation
of the Territory of Washington.
When, moré recently, it became requi-
site to organiie the Territories of Ne-
brarka and Kansas, it was the natural
and legitimate, if not the inevitable,
consequence of previous events and leg-
islation, that tho same gréit ánd sound
principle, whioh had already béen ap-
>lied to Utah and New Mexico, should
>e applied to them j—that they shOnld
stand exempt fronk the restrictions pro>
posed in the act relative to the Státb of
. Missouri.
Thése restrictions were, in the inti-
mation of niany thoughtful met, null
from the beginning, unauthorised by the
constitution, contrary to the treaty stip
Ifl
NÜMBER 18.
expodient entertained in some other
8taté. Fresh frott groundless imputa-
tions of breach of fáitb against others,
men will commence the agitation of thü
new quest ion with ^indubitable violation
of an eXpress compact between the in-
dependent sovereign jjowers of tbe Uni-
ted 8tates and of tfie republic of Texas,
as well as of the older and equally snlnsw>
compacts, wbieh asiure the equality of
all the 8tites.
compact In Itself and ia all
its direct consequences, that is tbe very
least tif the evils involved. When sec
tional agitators shall háye succeeded in
forcing on this isstie, can their
sions fail to be met by counter
siobs Í Will not different 8tates
pelled respectively to meet extremes With
Extremes ? And, if éither ettreme carry
its point, what is that so for forth bnt
dissolution of the Union? If s new
State, formed froiiá tbe Territory Of thé
United States, be ábeoitttely excluded
from admission therein, that foot óf it*
self constitutes the disruption of union
between it and the other 8tate«.—But
the process of dissolution could not ato*
there. Would not á sectional decision,
producing such result by a majority o|
votes, _ ei their nOrtherii or southern, of
necessity dtive out the oppressed and
pieved minority, and place in presence
each other two iiteeoncileably hostile
confederations I
It is necessary to speak thus plainly if
projects, the offspring of that
" lit
ulations for thb 'cession of Louisiana)
and inconSistant With the equality of the
States.
They had beeto stripped of all moral
authority, by persistent efforts to' pro-
care their indirect appeal through con-
tradictory enactments, They bad been
practically abrogated by the legislation
attending the organization of Utah, New
Mexico, and Washington. If any vital-
ity remained in them, it would have been
taken away, in effect, by the new Terri-
torial acts, in the form originally pro-
posed to the Senate at the first session
of tbe last Congress. It wás manly and
ingenuous, ás well á& patriotic and just,
to do this directly and pláinly, ánd thá¿
relieve the sta««ú-book of an aot, Which
might be of possible future injury, but
of no possible future benefits; and the
measure of its repeal wás the final con-
sunutión and cúmplete recognation of
the principle, that nó portion of tbe Uni-
ted States áhált undertake^ through%as
sumption of tbe powers of the general
government, te dictate thé sociál inst&
tutions of any ether portion.
The scope and effeot of the lán
of repeal were not left id doubt. It was
declared in terms to be u the true intent
and meaning of this act not to legislate
Slavery into any Territory or State, nor
tó exclude it therefrom, but to leave the
people thereof perfectly free to form and
regúlate their domestic institutions in
their own way, subject only to the Cón&
stitution of the United States."
The measure could not be Withstood
Upon its merits áloOé. It Was attacked
with violenoe, on the false er delusiVe
pretext, that it constituted a breach of
faiths Never Was objection moré desti-
tute of substantial justification. When,
before, Was it imagined by sensible men,
that a regulative Or declarative statue)
Whether enacted ten Or forty years ago,
is irrepealable,—that ati act Of Coi
isabóV'ó the constitution 1 If, li
there were in thé fitcts any' cause to im-
pute bad faith, it woUld attach to those
only, who have never ceaSed, from thb
time of the enactment of the restrictive
provision to tbe present dajr, to denounée
and to condemn it; who hate constantly
refused to completo it by needful supple*
mentary legislation; Who have spued
no exertion tó deprive it of moral force;
Who have themselves again and again at-
tempted its repeal by the enactment Of
incompatible provisions; and who, by
the inevitable reactionary effect of their
own violenoe on the subject, awakened
the oouutry to pcrbeptiOn of the trUe
constitutional principle, of leaving the
matter involved to the discretion of the
people of the respective existing or ili
cipient States.
It is not pretended that this priúbiple,
1 ány Other; precludes the possibility
of evils ili practice, disturbed as political
aotion is liable to be by hUman passions:
No form of government is exempt from
incdnVeniences; but in thtf case they
are the result of the abuse, and not Of
the legitimate exercise, of the powers
reserved or Conferred in the organisation
of a Territory.—-They are not to be
charged to the great principle Of popular
sovereignty; on the oontrary, they dis-
appear before the intelligence and patri-
otism of the people, exerting through
the ballot box their peaoeful and silent
but irresistable power.
If the friends of the constitution aro
to haVe another struggle, itS enemies
could not present a more aboeptable is-
sue. than that of a State, whose consti-
tution olearly embraces Ma republican
form of government," beifif excluded
from the Onion beoause its domestic in-
stitutions may not in all
port with the ideas of what
iniaih
Úf
agitation now prevailing in some of the
States, fchich are as impinátieaMe ai
tbey are unconstitutional, and which, if
persevered in, must attd will end calami-
tously. It b either disunion and civil
war, or it is mere angry, aimless distur-
bance of publio peace ánd tráaquility.—
Disunion for what 1 If the ptmrómittá
rage of fonaticism and partisan spirit did
IL^ÍSt® our attention, it
tould be difficult td believe, that any
considerable portion of tfie people Ofthtt
enlightened country oould hávo sosar
rendered th0msdv¿ tó a fanatical de :
atiíelí fíl8ÚfPP°Sed totoreshref tbe reK
i ^ i. afrlc W in the United Stated
aft totally to abandon and disregard the
interests.of th# twenty-*^ million ef
i&S áDd ^^««onal
obligaron,—and tO engage In nlans of
vindictive hostility aJainst thEéLlü
are associated irith them fa SoanSÍ
ment of the common heritage of our aá- •
tional institutions. ^
Nor ii it hostility Against their follow
citisens of Oie Section of the Union aloae.
DeaoeaMd8rt ** h°n°r' thd dátJ the
if "
imperilled in this question.
patriotic men In any part Of the*Unioá
prepared, cm such an issue, thus madly
for-
feiture of thbir constitutional encare-
phrensy and Action must ineVitablv
Í 1 ÍB tb<>
rock of the boastitntion. I shall na*^
doubt it I know rtat theünioní
stronger á thousand times than all thé
a®heBW< social
ehánge, which art generated, one alter
ánother, in thé dnetáble mind
r *>phists and ihtertsted agitators- ~t
J Confidently On the patriotism of the
gjfcii ** "f-reepeot Of
the States, on the wisdom of
of Almighty Cod, to maintaiO.
against all enemies, whether al home or
'Síí?' Í.® Constituted
and the integrity of the Union.
FRANKLIN PÍSBCI9.
Washington, Dea 8t¿ 1855.
'days) yeará
I breáthed farewell in
With careh
My heart is atangely
I cannot do it now;
It thrills eácb cdrd WitiUnniy soUL
'Tis like á funerál káett:
0 let mine éyes there
I cáUUot sáy f
They tell mo when the lips aiove not
Hie heart mora deeply feds 2
Thát gentler gtows tbe toad of grief*
By every teSr that steals;
1 Weep, but still a fresh despair
4round my heart will swell.
We éánaót hope to meet again,
Tet dare not say farewell.
A moment longer and we part:
Time flies, alAs i how last;
One trembling pressure of the háád:
Ode look, it is the last. ^
It is oar Heavénly father's will
And he does all things well;
IÜ Heaven miy we all meet again;
No mdrll to aay fkrowell.
A ydttrig lidy at the Mechanise Fair id
Louisville,* few nights since, piaitod tt tbi
bosom Of her diem One of the placards wioh
exhibitors hOveftsteded to their Wares When
they want td keep "hinds off" She Wtf
wearing +lo*-necbéd drtm.
We suppose this is the same young
who waft so modest she made a table
that reached to tbe floors* that she
not se. ite-é«rs
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
Crawford, G. W. The Washington American. (Washington, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 13, Ed. 1 Friday, February 1, 1856, newspaper, February 1, 1856; Washington, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth181933/m1/1/: accessed May 5, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.