The Texas State Times (Austin, Tex.), Vol. 2, No. 32, Ed. 1 Saturday, July 14, 1855 Page: 1 of 4
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TEXAS STATE TIMES.
VOLUME II.
CITY OF .AUSTIN, TEXAS, SATURDAY, JULY 14, 1855.
NUMBER 32.
*• the Voter* f Texas.
M Fellow-Citizens :—As the time is rap-
f idly approaching when you will be called up-
I oo, ia the axerciae of the elective franchise, . _
1 to select from your midst some individual to ; induced to assume this relation before you by the
1 u„ : _ ,i„.- j I solicitation of a portion of my fellow-citizens. suf-
discharge the important duties entrusted to , gcjentjj. respectable in character and numbers, to
relisve me from the charge of presumption in do-
* i
9 4 h
T
To tiie Toters of the Second Con-
gressional District.
Fstiow-CiTizsss.—1 am a candidate to represent
you in Congress of the United States. I have been
\ discharge the important
the Executive of the State for the ensuing
two years, I have, in view of existing issues,
determined to announce myself a candidate
for that position, and adopt this method of
giving my opinions upon such subjects of
State policy as seem a& present to engross the
public attention. - i
Occupying a country unsurpassed ill the
fertility of its soil and in its adaptation to
'the' culture of the great staples of the South,
'■as weU as the cereals of the Middle States,
bat which has unfortunately been denied, to
a great extent, those natnral channels of in-
tereomninnication which so happily exist else-
ing so. I do not, however, affect to be insensible
to the honor I solicit, or deny that I am ambitious
of serving my State In this position, and of receiv-
ing at the hands of my fellow-citizens, this mark
of their confidence.
It is a custom, springing from our free institu-
tions, for him who presents his name to the people
for political preferment, to announce to tbem, in
some manner, his views and opinions upon such
questions u f policy as are likely to come before
him as a legislator, fully and frankly, thit they
may be the better able to determine how far he is
an exponent of what they think and wish.
In conformity therewith, I have theught it not
only due to myself, but to you, to indicate in this
.— — r- j-- " „ pi mode, the opinions I entertain and the principles
where, weare forced, ftom tne necessity oi j which shall guide me in my course with reference
to the prominent questions which I may be called
to act upon, in the event of my election.
I have been a Democrat from my earliest partic-
ipation in the duties of life, and have acted, and
will continue to act consistently with that party
so long as its distinctive character is preserved,
• our condition, to adapt some policy which
will serve to eBcourage the construction of
railroads throughout the State, to enable our
N citizen? to convey their produce to market
Withdfi patch,* and receive in return those sup-
. plies ao essential to their comfort and pros-
'perttoi' The perfection of these necessary
' woAtf %ss given rise to much diversity of sen-
tameaT throughout the country. A large
•pnftjC- 'composed of gentlemen of acknowl-
ed<>ed ability and distinction, insist, with
pertinacity, and with a zeal worthy of
abrtweause, that the State, alone and un-
aided, should undertake to supply this great
They propose, first that
ihiii 3tatorftbtmM change her Constitution so
■nJfUthtKiie a loan; that she should involve
hapolf in* debt of some ten, fifteen or twen-
ty of dollars, the annual interest up-
" ich is to be paid by a direct tax imposed
ier citizens, and that this large sum
I be expended upon works of internal
cement. The adoption' of such a policy
not tail, in my opinion, to lead to re-
„t fail, in my opinion
suite'of a most disastrous character. The
heaVY^nnnlgration now flowing in a constant
strtitB hanw our borders, in view of the
wekbty tax we would be called upon to pay
wouldaeek a more favored locality, pecula-
tiomand finds upon the internal improve-
ment fond would inevitably occur; roads
worid bepreyeeted for the purpose of concili-
ating acotio—, which would be useless if com-
sod the experiment would leave us,
ina few years, burdened Vrith a new -and
heavy debt, to be paid by direct toxation,
and all, too, without corresponding benefits.
I could never agree to a policy so ruinous
in its character, and one, in my opinion, so
weH calculated to mar the bright prospects
of oor young and growing State. On the
sootrary, I would desire to see Texas, in her
legislation, extend every encouragement to
her own citizens, and others, who might be
disposed to invest their means in enterprises
of this character, to see her aid them in the
prosecution of their works with any means she
might possess, where her bounty could be se-
cured beyond a doubt against all loss, ind
when the companies themselves, had first
completed a portion of their work, and only
desired the assistance of the State to aid in
its progression. But anxious as 1 might be
to see these necessary works fostered and en-
-couraged, I could never lend my sanction or
influence to any scheme which would neces-
sarily create a public debt and impose a bur-
densome upon our citizens. The experi-
ence of our sister States, it occurs to me,
should not be lost sight of in a matter of such
grave importance as this; and a proper regard
for our standing and reputation as a sover-
eignty would seem to point out the propriety
of effecting a settlement of the old debt,
bequeathed to us by the Republic, before we
essay to make a new one.
I ^am decidedly opposed to the proposition
passed by last Congress, at its last session,
having for its object the settlement of our
public debt It admits the principle adopted
by Texas in sealing her debt, yet ignores all
equity in its practical application. It releas-
es the United States from all responsibility
on acooont of Indian spoliations, which in-
volves a loss upon the part of Texas of a
large and untold amount. It evinces a fear
of tiie moral honesty of the State, by with-
Remarks of A. J. Donelson
at the
great american meeting in new york.
The mention of my name, on this impor-
tant occasion, in connection with the Her-
mitage and the hero and patriot that word
recalls to your memory, is a sufficient indica-
tion of the thought that is uppermost in your
mind, and to which I must address myself.
You desire to hear how I, an old friend and
relative of Andrew Jackson—his private
secretary during his Presidency, and for
more than thirty years, until the last hours
of his life, enjoying the freest access to all
his papers, and maintaining the most inti-
mate and confidential relations with him—
can defend the principles of the newly organ-
ized American party. Listen to me, fellow-
citizens, and I think I can satisfy you, not
only that I am consistent, but that every mo-
tive of patriotism and public duty demanded
of me the abandonment of a party which no
longer practises the old fashioned democracy
of Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, but has
done all that it could to bring into discredit
the most essential and characteristic features
and its prescribed and received principles guide ; of that democracy. Franklin Pierce came
an/) 4ka nnlUlAnl J.. .i1 « ....
and direct the political conduct of its members.-
These principles I regard as sound in theory, and
in their application to our condition better "calcu-
lated than any other to advance the public interest,
strengthen the Union and perpetuate our free gov-
ernment. To secure thesegreat objects, this party
has ever held the union of the States as the only
sure basis of their peace and happiness, to be effec-
ted alone by a faithful support of the Constitution
in its powers granted, as well as in its limitations
thereto, conformable to the intention of its framers;
regarding the rights and authorities reserved to the
States and to the people, subjects for these control
without interference by the General Government.
Upon these principles every battle for the perpetui-
ty of this Union may be fought in it, and upon the
Constitution, which is its cement. The practical
issues of a high Protective Tariff, National Bank
and Internal Improvements, of a local character by
the General Government, no longer exist. They
have been disposed of according to the principles
contended for by the Democratic party, and the
great body of the people, everywhere, acquiesce in
the settlement. The great party heretofore the ex-
ponent of these principles, either demoralized by
success, or influenced by some worse motive, in
many places where they are in power, retain noth-
ing in common with the party of former days, ex-
cept the name, and can no longer be received as
their representative or trusted with the preserva-
tion of our interest in them,
Mnch as the fact is to be deplored it cannot, nor
should it be concealed, that the question which now
overshadows all others is one almost purely sec-
tional, involving continued assaults upon the insti-
tution of slavery from the one quarter and its de-
fence on the other. One party, regardless of the
rights of the slave holder, and in the wantonness
of aggression would trample these rights and the
Constitution under their feet. Whatever any man's
principles may be, whatever his past services or
his capacity for future ones, the people of Texas aud
of the South have the right to demand that he
should be sound to the core upon this question.
He only can be trusted, whatever party name he
may assume, who regards the rights of the States,
guaranteed by the Constitution, sacred from inva-
sion, and who is prepared to stand by the South
and her institutions at every hazard. It is a crisis
of imminent peril, and to her sons she must look
for fidelity in her defence.
into power, to use a sea phrase, in the wake
of the compromise of 1850. That measure,
carried through by the united action of such
statesmen as Clay, Webster, Cass and Hous-
ton, enlisted the sympathies of the American
people, and was welcomed in every corner of
our wide spread Union as a rebuke to tac«e
factions which had labored, under the garb
of State rights, to bring the Federal and
State authorities in open conflict with each
other. At several places in New England,
Mr. Pierce stigmatized the oponents of that
measure as moral traitors. He went so far
as to compliment me for my services in, what
he called a battle for the Union. He declar-
ed that in that battle he stood where Gen.
Jackson did. Now call to mind what Gene-
ral Jackson did—what he said—and what
the democratic party maintained when the
country was in the crisis to which Mr. Pierce
alluded. Do you remember the ordinance
of South Carolina, arming her citizens, es-
tablishing test oaths and declaring her deter-
mination to carry into execution her threat
of nullification? The proclamation of Gen.
Jackson, denouncing the whole proceeding
as unauthorized, rebellious and traitorous—
the force bill passed by Congress with great
promptness enabling the President to repel
by force all the opposition to the execution
of the laws? And then, gentlemen, do you
remember the unanimity with which not only
the democratic party applauded its President,
but how the great body of the American
people looking above party and surveying
only the good of the country, came forward
by thousands and thousands to testify their
respect for a statesman who faltered not in
the performance of a high constitutional duty?
Mr. Jefferson had said of General Jackson,
; after the victory of New Orleans, that he
j filled the measure of his country's glory.
The people of Texas have a right to be secured But the patriotic American people proclaim-
in the enjoyment of this pecufia# species of pro- ■ ed, when the old hero carried the constitution
perty, by such treaty stipulations as will enable unhurt through the struggles with nullifica-
them to make reclamation of such of their slaves j ti that his name would hereafter stand by
jf '■ Washing... as *. pre™ of
similar provision to make reclamation of fugitives j ^ne Union, ies, gentlemen, it was here in
from justice should be obtained for their protection, | New York, that countless thousands came
as is provided for other portions of the Union, simi- [forward to greet the old hero, and New Eng-
larly situated The importance of some effective , hnd not less than New York saluted with the
provision on this subject, for the security of thi3 i i o • j i _ xLn ^
portion of the State, merits serious consideration. 1 acclamation of joy and love the man who,
I shall, if elected, direct my energies to secure ; when the safety of the constitution was threat-
protection to onr frontier,—actual, ample and com-i ened, declared fearlessly that he would not
plete protection, not such as has been extended to ! survive its fall, but would uphold it, come
us for years-amere illusion. I have no objection j what mj ht N gentlemen, this was de-
to urge to the policy of settling the Indians in com- . • g .. •' ^qqo . t ^
munities, and feeding them by the government. It | mocratic practice m 1832. Let us now see
13 not sufficient, however, in itself, it- wilt not pro- how General Pierce has acted in a crisis \s -*ich
tect the frontier from the depredations of maurad-
ing parties who refuse to acquiesce in this policy.
The mounted soldier will alone give that protection
to the frontier settler, which the citizen is entitled
to from his Government. Should I be your choice,
I will cheerfully co-operate with those adhering to
these principles for the common good.
he has admitted to be full of similar perils to
us and to our posterity. When the compro-
mise was passed you all know that there was
a party, called at the North abolitionists, and
at the South nullifiers, who insisted that that
measure was a base surrender of State rights,
I have now, in a brief and imperfect manner, an(] wh0 set on foot measures which, if car-
called your attention to some of the measures
likely to be brought beforeyou during the present
! ried out, would have produced immediate
! bloodshed and civil war. This party at the
many of you before the election, and interchange
sentiments with you.
In conclusion I would state, that it would be with
no small pleasure, and no little pride, that I would
As a matter of choice
I would rather represent it, than any district in the
whole Union. It may justly claim to pre-eminently
who have cast their fortunes in it, I appeal for
support. Very Respectfully,
JOHN HANCOCK.
Austin, June 23d, 1855.
kldij.fi™. h., th. pmiUg* .f p.™. off °nl
this debt at her own treasury, should the
law prove acceptable to her. In short, it
proposes to pay in many instances that which ! illustrate the march of civilization—a district in
Texas never received, and foils in others to I wh'cb the pioneers of a mighty people are pressing
meet the amount which she admits herself: T,Tfd3 tt0wa^d3sanva^.1°troduci°g
-1*1 •™1 | all the arts and all the chanties of christian civili-
JUStly indebted. ... I zation into the hunting grounds of the retreating
The patriotic and distinguished gentlemen i savage. To the manly and independent people
who represent our interests in the national
Legislature, -ftave perforrred but a duty in
agreeing to have this question submitted to
their constituents; and it now becomes us, as
citizens of a great State, jealous of its rep-
utation, and actuated by an earnest desire to
do fhll justice, both to our creditors and
ourselves, to calmly weigh its merits, and
tender such a decision as stern duty may in-
dicate. My own conclusions, after careful
consideration, lead me to reject it. Yet I
would not consider myself at liberty, as the
Executive of the State, to interpose official
power to prevent a consummation of our
citizcns upon this subject, when the same
had been fairly expressed.
I am not of those fellow-citizens, who re-
gard the failure to award the Contract for
An Incident op the European "War.
—The Buffalo Commercial' Advertiser gives
the following extract from a private letter
froui an officer in the Crimea to a citizen of
Buffalo:
A curious thing occurred yesterday. A
sapper was brought from the trenches with
his jaw broken, and the doctor told me
there was a piece of it sticking out an inch
and a half from his face. The man said it
was done by a round shot, which the doctor
disbelieved, but the poor fellow insisted, and
said : " Tes and it took off the head of the
. . . man next to me." This was conclusive, and
the construction of Pacific Railroad as ^ the surgeon proceeded to remove the bone;
any reason why Texas should not persist in j it came out quite easy, when the doctor said
the effort to secure this great thoroughfare i to the man, whose face appeared to preserve
through her territory. When we consider j its form pretty well: " Can you move your
the immense advantages which would result jaw?" "Oh yes, sir," was the reply. The
to tae State upon the consummation of this j doctor then put his finger into the man's
great work, and the fact that a failure hith-, mouth, and found the teeth were there, and
erto to take the contract may be justly at- j at length assured the soldier that it was no
tributed to the financial embarrassments, jaw 0f his that was broken, but that of his j her own construction of the constitutionality
wlttAk k o TTCk ovi cfon tkmnnrnnnf f no nrnrl/l it 11 i t • ■ i i 111 />^nnnn4- J
South had an organ whose columns teemed
with the dirtiest abuse of every man who
would not subscribe to its scheme of holding
a Southern Congress, with powers not only to
declare the compromise unconstitutional, but
to provide for its resistance, precisely as South
Carolina had done in 1832. When the great
and lamented Webster delivered his speech,
on the occasion of laying the corner stone of
the new capitol, the response of this Southern
rights democratic sheet was, that it was a
vain ceremony—that the people of the South
should be putting taeir arms in order, to at-
tack the North, instead of indulging hopes
for the preservation of tne Union. Gentle-
men, one of the first acts of Mr. Pierce was
to give the editor of that disunion sheet an
important consular and diplomatic office.—
And if you examine the character of his ap-
pointments generally, you will find that in
every quarter of the country they have been
marked by an'open contempt for his profes-
sion as a friend of the doctrines of the demo-
cratic party. Yes, gentlemen, I assert with-
out the fear of successful refutation from any
quarter, that the conduct of President Pierce
is distinguished, if distinguished foranything,
forinsidious opposition to the doctrine always
maintained by the democratic party on the
subject of State rights. Mr. Madison has
told us over and over again that his party in
1J98 repudiated the doctrine of nullification
as claimed by South Carolina in 1832, and
as insisted on by the Southern Convention
assembled at Nashville. You remember the
celebrated letter of Mr. Madison, in which
he thanks Mr. Webster for his able refutation
of the absurd idea that a State could enforce
which have existed throughout tne world 1 headless comrade, which had actually been
since the action of your last Legislature, a ! driven into his face, inflicting a severe but
sufficient reason exists, in my opinion, why a not dangerous wound. Upon this the man's
persistent effort should be made to secure, if visage, which had been rather lengthened,
possible, the benefits which must result to rounded up most beautifully.
the country by the perfection
of this great
enterprize. At a more auspicious time,
which may be even new dawning upon us
Shooting.—On Sunday last, 24th inst.,
. an altercation arose in this place, between
contractors may be found able and willing j John N. Bryan and Sylvester Early. After
to enter upon the work and carry it forward
to completion.
I should not be averse to a liberal appro-
priation, having for its object the improve-
ment of those of our streams susceptible of
navigation.
I do not doubt the power of the legisla-
ture under the constitution, to enact such
laws in regard to the traffic in ardent spirits
as the people might desire, nor do I think
the Executive of the State would be justi-
fied in any effort which he might make to
prevent a consummation of the wishes of the
people upon this subject, when the same had
been legitimately made known.
With this exposition of my views, fellow-
citizens, and upon the issue* here presented,
do I announce myself a candidate for Gov-
ernor, and respectfully solicit your suffrages.
If you concur with me in opinion, I would
feel myself honored by your support and to
be made the exponent of your sentiments.
Should you think differently, however, I shall
yield with a becoming deference to your will.
Your fellow-citizen,
DAVID C.
his labors and services entitle him to be con
sidered the author of a system calculated to
aid the prosperity, preservation and happi-
ness of the country, President Franklin
Pierce undertakes to set up the doctrine that
the patronage of office can supersede the re-
lation between a measure aud its supporter,
and that the true way to govern a people is
to conciliate parties bv giving place to lead-
ers without reference to their agency in de- i
feating or advancing the great principles of I
a virtuous administration. You have had j
the evidence, gentlemen, of this doctrine in j
your own city, when you saw the noble and !
honest Bronson thrown down and crushed, I
because he would not become the instrument j
of a miserable attempt to conciliate abolition- j
ists and free soilers, by selling out the Cus-1
torn House offices to them, as the hucksterer i
does his beef and his corn. And the spect- J
acle which you have witne^ed has been felt j
in every quarter of this wide Union. Now, j
compare the practice of this administration j
on this subject with that of Gen. Jackson, or j
every and all of his predecessors. The maxim ;
has been to look to honesty, fidelity and capa-
city; and above all, not to bring the patron-
age of the federal government into conflict
with the freedom of elections. Why, gentle-
men so far from looking to these conditions
in the use of the appointing power, it seems
to be the duty of the Attorney General to
telegraph or cause to be telegraphed, on the
eve of important elections, just what is neoes-
sary to defeat candidates who have not given
in their adhesion to this new school doctrine
about State rights. Look at Washington,
and what do you see there that changcs the
view I have taken of President Pierce's infi-
delity to the great principles of Democracy?
Did you ever hear of Mr. Marcy's standing
by anybody or helping.anybody because he
took the true position fn the great battle
which Mr. Pierce declared was necessary to
be fought in order to szve the country from
the abolitionists aud nullifiers? From the
time he betrayed Mr. Yan Buren, when the
scheme of the sub-treasury was first started,
has he ever been known to risk a thought, or
venture an act, calculated to rescue the right
from the wrong? Long and difficult persua-
sion induced him to preside over some meet-
ing where an effort was made to heal the
party division in this State by recognizing
acquiescence in the compromise as the duty
of all members of the party, but no one ever
heard of him when the measure remained for
months and months the captive of the malig-
nant passion brought into action by the nulli-
fiers of the North and the South. Turn next
to the War Department, filled by the chival-
rous gentlemen from Mississippi. After do-
ing all he could to inflame the people of the
South, he takes the back track when he finds
they could not be induced to nullify or secede,
and says he will follow the people. But he
is as much of a nullifier to-day as Mr. ilson,
of Massachusetts, or any other Northern
fanatic. But it is useless, gentlemen, to
multiply instances of Mr. Pierce's infidelity
to his pledges as a Jackson democrat. I sup-
pose there is not a man in our whole country,
conversant with the politics of the day, but
what will admit that he has failed, signally
failed as a President and statesman. And
the results of his administration, what are
they but the natural consequence of his aban-
donment of the old maxims of democracy, for
the new fangled notions of such men as Davis,
of Mississippi, Seward, of this State, and
Wilson of Massachusetts? One has as much
right to nullify as the other, that is no right
at all. The principle on which they stand
has been repudiated by all true democrats
ever since the foundation of the government.
But there are conventions in the South, and
perhaps in the North, where men calling
themselves democrats, speak of supporting
Mr. Pierce's measures. Now, 1 should like
to know what he has done except turn out a
few good men who were true to the principle
on which he came into power, and to put in
their places n en of nullifying sympathies.
This may be called the distinguishing measure
of his administration. The next in impor-
tance are the attack on Grey town, the Ostend
Conference, and the rccent display of our
naval force before Havana. No one, 1 believe,
has ventured to characterize his vetoes as
measures, any more than he would advert to
the essay of some schoolboy on morals or
matapbysic-s, as philosophy. He has quoted
a little irorn one President, and a little from
another, but even the mo^t rabid of his party
have voted against his recommendations,
without thinking himself any the worse or
better new school democrat therefor. No,
gentlemen, if you examine closely these con-
ventions, you will find that they are'not de-
mocratic in the old constitutional sense. 1 he
nominee of one of these conventions in Ten-
nesse proposes to give the public land to the
foreign immigrants, to change the constitu-
tion, and is known as a Jacob's Ladder man,
that is, he is a man who gets power by as-
cending a ladder which has a round for every
one to stand upon. In the Georgia conven-
tion you will observe that nullification is the
leading idea. The talk is there about reta-
liatory measures—about making hostages out
of individuals and property belonging to citi-
zens of Massachusetts. They forget that
two wrongs never make a right. They nev-
er think of respecting the old sentiment of
democracy that the constitution and laws of
the United States, in pursuance thereof, are
supreme, and must be executed. And if we
had a President, gentlemen, such as old Jack-
son, you would not hear of these retaliatory
measures, nor such disgraceful spectacles as
are now being played in the neighborhood of
Bunker Hill. But alas! we have none.—
This great Republic must forever lament that
a proclamation from Mr. Picrce would be just
such an affair as his attack on Greytown and
the establishment of the Ostend Conference.
What could he do with a Secretary of War
who believes in the richtof nullification, and
an Attorney General who is known only to
the nation as an abolitionist, ahead even o*1
against the consent of the other States, and
the decisions of the Supreme Court. The
records of Tammany Hall will also bear wit-
ness that the party supporting Messrs. Jef-
ferson and Madison during the time of the
embargo and up to the assemblage of the
Hartford Convention, maintained everywhere,
in Congress and out of Congress, that the j Giddings and Seward? He commenced to
general government possessed the power of govern the country by a union of these two
some words and hostile demonstrations in the removing any and every obstruction to the elements of disunion and he can do nothing
street, Bryan went to his house, returned execution of the laws passed in pursuance of to save it that will not involve him stiil deeper
with his shot gun, sought Early who had left j the constitution. I advert to these great j in disgrace. Why, gentlemen, it ought not
the street, and shot him while he was retreat- j and leading facts to remind you where I stood, to surprise us if we hear to-morrow that this
ing into the bushes, about twenty yards back ! and where General Jackson stood, and where I Mr. Wilson, who preaches so furiously against
of the street. Two of the shot took effect; [ the democratic party stood, on this doctrine ! the fugitive slave law, has influence enough
one in the lower part of his head—the shot of State rights. Suppose, gentlemen, that j to turn out Cushing and take his place in
glancing around the skull bone—and the : in 1800, Mr. Jefferson had lavished his favors j the Cabinet, on the principle that a fresh
i horse can traval faster than a jaded one. But,
| fellow-citizens, I turn from these unpleasant
| pictures to the platform on which I have
thought an old Jackson man could stand with
other in the back, passing into his lungs. It j on those who passed the alien and sedition
was thought he would die in a few hours, jlaws—or that the war party in 1812 had called
but he has survived until the present time, j to the cabinet or the chief military commands
and now hopes are entertained that he may ! men who hold out blue lights to the enemy;
recover.—Dallas Herald.
or that General Jackson in carrying out his i consistency and honor. You have seen that
! measures against the bank of the United
Mr. Pierce and the new school democrats
have surrendered to the nullifiers. You have
seen that the country stands abashed at the
enormous pretensions of this school. Nulli-
fication in the South is the highest passport
DICKSON.
Gen. Rives, a candidate for
Con-
gress in Tennessee, quotes from a speech of
dir. Calhoun, to show that his views were
identical on the subject of the naturalization
lawB with those held by the American party.
" This rumor we cannot credit. Our
knowledge of Judge Buckley's character for-
bids it."—Gazette. j Entirely
Well, neighbor, if you don't believe Your si jn pr >i- ti?
own statement, what do you make it l >r' :uaker*s sh
Of course, other people will not believe yon, t;.m of wh
if you don't believe yourself.—J3button Tel. ; made lowv.r
Horace Greeley was arrested in Par- States, or the system of internal improvements
is at the instance of a sculptor who had sent ! as advocated by Mr. Adams, should have
a statue to the New York Crystal Palace Ex- j given the high places of government to his
hibition, and who had never received it back. ] opponents—would you not have called the
He arrested Greeley as one of the Directors i policy of doing so suicidal and unjust? Sup- to public favor, and stretches out its hand to
of the Association to recover the value of! pose that in 1832 a cabinet had been formed 1 nullification in the North for succor and aid.
the statue, which he estimated at S2500.— j of men who opposed the policy of the gov- j Can a sound Jackson man. or a Clay whig,
Bail was refused, though ample security was j ernment and the sentiment of the country in j witness the fraternization without agreeing
offered through the intervention of judge 'respect to the doctrines of nullification and i to bury their former differences on minor
Mason, our Minister to France, and others, ' secession, what would the people have thought | questions, and make one united effort to rid
and Greelev was actually committed to the j of it? To ask such a question seems almost ; the country of such a systematic attack on
Debtors' Prison, at "70 Rue Clichey," to insult the common intelligence, for even j the body politic? It is the object of the
where he remained two days. He secured ' in the worst governments in Europe it is ad- j American party to accomplish this. You will
the services of two French lawyers, and the mitted that public measures of importance see from the extracts which 1 read that the
case was examined before one of the Courts can only be entrusted to those wKo are friendly | Union sentiments of Washington and Jack-
which resulted in the discharge of the de-: to such measures, and that when the mea-: son constitute the platform. President Pierce
fendant. Greeley gives a long account of sures change, the men to execute them must and jWr. Seward have formed their coalition
change accordingly. We have seen numer- | in such a way as to secure the foreign vote,
ous illustrations of this fact in the recent con- and to enlist the Catholics as partisans in that
j duct of the British, French and German go- 1 cause. To counteract this coalition, the
his " establishment" at Cliehey, in the Tri-
bune, which is amusing enough.
Unnecessary.
log h'>m the d .or of
p in Troy, the conci
:h thus : " X
There is a vernments, and even in
. - 1 !
Turkey; hut here in American party propose to modify the natur-
public opinion is alization laws, and to enter into political
don is as free as brotherhood with no ecclesiastic or sectarian,
;sman looks to the j who professes to owe allegiance to any power
"i and renown, when ( higher than the constitution of the United
States. There is no wrong here done to any
human being. The foreigner who has ac-
quired the rights of citizenship, as he values
those right?, cannot object to place them be-
yond the assaults of those paupers and crimi-
nals who are landing on our shores by the
thousand. Nor ought the Catholic to feel
surprise that the American mind looks with
distrust and apprehension upon a hierarchy
which in all other countries has sought to
connect the Church and State, and whose his-
tory has been" one continual struggle for do-
minion in temporal as well as secular matters.
We are charged, gentlemen, with establish-
ing a religious test, and assailing the great
natural right of all human beings to worship
Almighty God according to the dictates of
their own conscience. The charge is false.
The position of the American party on this
question is as clear as day#ght. It simply
announces to the Catholic bishops that if they
possess the power to organize their communi-
cants with political train bands to support a
system dangerous to liberty, and subversive
of the constitution, it is lawful to oppose them.
We say that it is lawful to oppose them—by
our votes, at least—until they can show that
their allegiance to the Pope is subordinate
to that of obedience to the constitution of the
land. The Pope claims infallibility—the
power of pardoning sins. He claims the right
of deposing princes and potentates Let his
followers satisfy us that these pretensions are
not claimed by them, and they will find the
American party as willing to meet them in
the bonds of a common and equal citizenship
as any other class of churchmen. I dismiss
this part of the subject with the declaration
that the idea incorporated into the platform,
that America must rule America, is as old as
the constitution, and has been maintained by
all the early statesmen of the land. It is
not the proscription of the Catholic, but a
timely and salutary warning to him what if
the influence of this church is brought into
the political arena, as an element of power, it
will be opposed with candor and frankness,
and I trust with success. I come now, gentle-
men, to that portion of the platform which
disposes of the question of slavery. Wc
have met it with firmness. We declare that
Congress has nothing to do with it. That
the constitution recognises it in three instan-
ces, and that beyond this recognition it is a
local thing. We are not insensiole to the
fact that the bill erecting governments in
Kansas and Nebraska has caused great agi-
tation, and has rendered the interposition of
the conservative men of all sections necessary
to tranquilize the country. But how can
these conservative men act? Can they do
anything but invoke the people to survey
onee more the true character of this question,
and apply to it the old doctrine of our fath-
ers, that slavery is a local institution, and
must be regulated by the authorities having
competent jurisdiction over it. It is impos-
sible to restore the Missouri compromise, be-
cause the people of those territories have, un-
der existing laws, rights which Congress can-
not touch. No matter what may be thought
of the folly and recklessness of Mr. Pierce
and his Cabinet, in re-opening the slavery
qucstiou, by the passage of the bills in ques-
tion, all dispassionate men must admit that
their repeal is now an impossibility, or, if
practicable, that the repeal would only widen
the breach between the North and the South-
Under the treaty by which we acquired Louis-
iana, slavery within its limits was placed on
the fame footing that it was in other territory
of the United States. But the South, in
1820, for the sake of peace, consented that
it might be excluded from the country north
of 3d 30. Mr. Pierce and his nullifying
friends, North and South, were not satisfied to
let well enough alone. Nothing wouldsatisfy
them but to re-open the question and to do so
under the pretence that the compromise of
1S50 required the course they pursued. Now
I put it to you, fellow-citizens, aud to all in-
telligent men in our country, if I am not
speaking according to the facts, when I assert
that if the proposition to repeal the Missouri
compromise had been made a part of the
compromise of 1850, the whole measure would
have been lost. Nobody ever dreamed that
the final settlement of the slavery question
at that period had reference toother objects
than those proposed in the bill of compromise.
But it was necessary for Mr. Pierce and his
adjuncts North and South, to get up another
agitation, and they accordingly threw out this
firebrand. The North could say that the
pro-slavery men had violated a compact, and
cancelled the obligation to execute the fugi-
tive slave law. The South could say that it
had obtained at last its rights, and that the
nullifiers were victors. What cared they for
the good of the country, provided that the
agitation gave them the power to make a
President? With Mr. Davis at the head of
the slavery party, and Mr. Seward at the
head of the anti-slavery party, how easy would
it be for these leaders to make a bargain and
keep the politicians in their places. It Was
the old ride and tye game. The nullifier of
the North was to have the horse in 1856.—
The nullifier cf the South was to have him in
1860. But, gentlemen, this American party
puts its veto on this unhallowed attempt to
convert -sectional jealousy into'a permanent
source of political power. It tells this new
school of democrats that it prefers to stick to
the creed of Washington and Jackson; that
its matter is—" Our federal Union must be
preserved." Are we not authorized to say
that this is the true American sentiment, and
that if we adhere to it, we shall conquer and
put an end to this contest about slavery ? I
think we are. Il) hurrying my remarks to a
close I think you will agree with me when I
say that it was no longer possible for an old
Jackson democrat to act with Pierce and his
friends. lie could not do so without acknow-
ledging the lead of such men as Wise, in Vir-
ginia; of Davis, in Mississippi; Seward, in
New York; Wilson, in Massachusetts; Doug-
las, in Illinois; and Atchison, in Missouri.—
These men are all acting as a unit, in sup-
port of the modern theory of State rights,
j allowing that a State may nullify an act of
Congress, and go out of the Union when she
pleases. They may call themselves slavery
or anti-slavery men. They have a common
i purpose to accomplish at the expense of the
I old landmarks of patriotism, as established
j by those who founded and who reformed our
; system. You never bear one of these State
j rights men in Virginia talk of Madison as
I the exponent of the constitutional relations
between the States and the federal govern-
ment. If Mr. Pierce were to tell his cabinet
that he was determined to fall back on Gen.
Jacksoh's doctrine in 1832, they would fly off
as wolves do when the huntsmen sound the
note of attack and pursuit. There is but one
road open to the true patriot, and that is to
unite in the leading principles of the great
American party. In this manner we can
elect a President who will not disgrace the
country with Ostend Conferences; in this
manucr we can wipe out the stain which has
| beeu east upon us of introducing a corrupt
| foreign influence into our national councils;
; in this manner we can teach those who seek
i to use the Catholic vote as a political niono-
j poly, that whilst, we respect all the rights of
j religious freedom, we know how to disarm
I the advocates of a system that makes the alle-
| giance due to the United States subordinate
| to that which is due to a foreign potentate.
1 What say you, then, gentlemen, to our plat-
• form? Do you not justify me in flying to it
1 for relieffrom the coalition which exists be-
! t ween Mr. Pierce and the nullifiers and aboli-
tionists?—a coalition which did more to build
- up sectional jealousy and strife than any oth-
' er coalition which has ever existed in our
! land. By this coalition, nullification enjoys
I th" honors slid high place?, of government in
the feouth, and Mr. Cushing knows how to
tell his old abolitionists to rest quiet—that
principles are eternal and never change. He
can say with truth to Wilson, Summer and
Seward, that offices are small things when
weighed iu the balance with great measures.
Let the South have its time to-day, ours will
come to-morrow. It -will be impossible for
the chivalrous Davis, the self-sacrificing Doug-
las, not to allow us the privilege of following
their example. But we tell these smart
higher law men that the spirit of Washing-
ton and Jackson is not extinct, aud that the
people are rallying, as in the days of old, to
the preservation of the true principles of the
constitution—that men, men, tried men, are
taking their posts, and that the cry, "Amer-
icans shall rule America," will sweep away
the miserable jugglers who, under the garb
of democracy, would sell the country to the
Pope of Rome, provided they have the privi-
lege of monopolizing his favors. Let our
motto then be, "Our federal Union, it must
and shall be preserved"—"Americans shall
rule America." I thank you, gentlemen,
for the honor you have conferred on me by
the reception given to my remarks.
Washington's Opinions.
Was Gen. Washington a Know Nothing?
—Ed. True American.
Morristown, 17th May, 1777.
To Richard Henry Lee:
Dear Sir—I take the liberty to ask you
what Congress expects I am to co with the
many foreigners they have at different times
promoted to the rank of field officers, ahd
by their last resolve two to that of Colonels ?
These men have no attachment to the country
farther than interest binds them. Our offi-
cers think it exceedingly hard, after they
have toiled in the service, and have sustained
many losses, to have strangers put over
them whose merit, perhaps, is not equal to
their own, but whose effrontery will take nq
denial. It is by the zeal and activity of our
own people that the cause must be supported,
and not by a few hungry adventurers.
I am, &c ,
GEO. WASHINGTON.
[Sparks, Vol. IV, page 432.]
Middlebank, June 1, 1777.
To Rich. Henry Lee:
You will," before this can reach you, have
seen M D . What his real
expectations are I know not, but I fear if
his disappointment is equal to what I have
been told is his expectation, it will be attend-
ed with unhappy consequences, to say noth-
ing of the policy of entrusting a department
on the execution of which the salvation of
the new army depends, to a foreigner, who
has no other tie to bind him to the interests
of the country than honor.
GEO. WASHINGTON.
[Sparks, Vol. IV, p. 446.]
Let us now see what the Father of his
Country thought of foreigners, after the
Revolution had succeeded. While he was
President, we have the following declara-
tions :
Philadelphia, Nor. 1794.
To John Adams, Vice President of the U. S.
You know, my good sir, that it is not the
policy of this country to employ foreigners,
when it can be well avoided, either in the
civil or military walks of life. There is a
species of self-importance in all foreign offi-
cers that cannot be gratified without doing
injustice to meritorious characters, among
our own countrymen, who conceive, and
justly, that they are entitled to the occupan-
cy of all the offices in the gift of th# govern-
ment. G. WASHINGTON.
[Same date, to a foreigner, applying for
office.]
Dear Sir—It does not accord with the
policy of this government, to bestow offices,
civil or military, upon foreigners, to the ex-
clusion of our own citizens.
Yours, &c.,
G. WASHINGTON.
[Sparks Vol. XI, p. 393.]
War Department, Feb. 4, 1799.
Instructions of the Secretary of War to the
Inspector General.
" For the cavalry, let the regulations re-
strict the recruiting officers to engage none
except Natives for this corps-, and those
only, as from their known character and fi-
delity, may be trusted.
Such were the sentiments of the purest
patriot that ever lived; and yet, in his day,
it was not so imperatively necessary that for-
eigners should be restricted in tbeir insolent
assumptions, as it afterwards became, when
they found their power and political influ-
ence rapidly increasing. Indeed there is
not a period in our history, since the days of
Washington, in which the alien portion of
our population has not been more or less
troublesome.
Letter from " Curt! us."
Segcix, July 3rd, 1855.
Editor limes: "An American Citizeu of
German birth" through the columns of the
State Gazette of June 30th, replies ti my com-
munication of the 9th of that month, which
appeared iu the Times of the 16th. I beg you
will give the following rejoinder a place 111
your columns.
German leaders stand complacently by with-
out uttennjr a wort! by which you know you
could stop it? and when the Americans would
be knocked down for interfering ? Tell us, sir,
if you are not an abolitionist or a red-republi-
can, why you and your lellow-controllers of
the German voice in Texas have been tying
supinely still upon the subject when vour Amer-
ican brethren for a twelve-month have been
discussing whether or not you were ? Tell us
why the San Antonio Zeitung is permitted to
Fircf fi.„„ ! flourish and provr fat on the patronage of Ger-
F.r t then, ,et u,e ask this " American Citi- | raans UthJdo not endor«e it and it, doc-
o uermau Birth'' why he sought the col- 'trinesl TV11 ns whv. for the last two or three
zen oi (ierniau Birthwhy he sought the
unins of the Gazette to promulgate his at-
tempted vindication of his countrymen, of
whom he makes himself the mouth-piece, when
those of the Times were open to liim ? Was it
not to secure the sympathy of certain dema-
gogues who lie well knows are playing (he
fawning sychophant to the Germane to obtain
their votes in opposition to American princi-
ples next August? Was he not actuated by |
motives ol malignant and deep seated hostili- !
ty to that great American party which intends j
to perpetuate this country as one of American
principles, and of whose doctrines he knows
the Gazette to be the huckstering opponent
and the Times the fearless exponent ? Was it
not to obtain this same pliant Gazette to bel-
low persecution! persecution.'/ for the Ger-
mans against, that intrepid and massive party
that is about curbing the overreaching arro-
gance of many such persons as this "Ameri-
can Citizen of German Birth ? If so. he ac-
knowledges himself guilty of the charge in
iny communication, to wit: enmity to native-
Americans; otherwise, as a good adopted citi-
zen, instead of pandering to demagogues, he
would silently have acquiesced in the meas-
ures which the people are taking to secure this
country to its own institutions. It is true that
he had the right to demand a hearing iu any
paper he pleased, but after my article appear-
ed in the Times, at this particular juncture, it
does look a little suspicious, knowing as he
does the sychophantic hypocrsiey of the Ga-
zette and its pandering proclivities when just
now it sets itself up with turn-coat spleen lit
opposition to American principles, that he
trines! Tell us why, for the last two or three
months you and your brother Germans hare
studiously refrained from saying any thing
about that paper and its couduct. until a few
of you were compelled to do it by the stern
voice of the native-born citizens. Awaiting
your answer to these questions, 1 hope you will
find for them a happy solution.
CURTIDS.
Letter from Brownsville.
3ro\vnseille, Texas, >
June 21st, 1856. )
My Dear Col.: You have by this time heard
of the movement on foot against Santa Anna,
as also of the very high probability of its en-
tire success. You may properly say that eve-
ry man of note on account of intelligence,
wealth and social position from Saltillo'to the
Gulf of Mexico, hare entered the lists against
the Government and corruption of that prince
of villains.
We have had yesterday many rumors about
Camargo having been captured, and by a pri-
vate letter from Monterey I see that General
Cruz who was stationed in Saltilla and Gen.
Cardona who surrenderded with his entire
force in Monterey, have both broken their pa-
role, and raised the Semiuole Indians against
the Federalists. This will not astonish you,
who will doubtless say that such behaviour is
truly worthy of Sa'ita Anna's millions. In this
same letter I see that a draft for fifty thousand
dollars is sent to New Orleans to buy rittes^
musket?. &c^j as also, that after leaving in
Monterey a force of two thousand men. four
thousand have been detailed against. Ortiz and
Cardona who were at the Encarnacioo," the
place as you may remember where feen Mi-
non just before the battle Buena Vista cap-
tured Cassius M. Clay. &c. It is some seven-
ty miles ou the road to San Luis. Give
Gen. Scott.—If it be true, as reported
by a correspondent of the New York Cou-
rier, that the Secretary of War has refused
increase of pay and arrearages to Gen. Scott,
and that he has written to the Attorney Gen-
eral to whom Scott appealed, in support of
his determination, wc can only say that it
adds another disgraceful instance to that
long array of small-minded acts of tyranny
for which the administration has distinguish-
ed itself. It is useless iu a matter of this
nature to cite precedent or to attempt to es-
tablish a principle. The will of the people
is the principle, which should govern, and
where this is manifest and a point open to
doubt,^popular will should be allowed to
throw its weight in the scale. No one doabts
—nor does the Secretary—that the country,
irrespective of party, would be glad to see a
national and substantial compliment paid to
the old hero. But petty persecution is the
order of the day, and will probably continue
to be such until a change takes place. Nev-
er before, since the days of the Reign of
Terror, when men were taken off for "be-
ing suspected of being suspect," has any
Republic gone so far as to punish all ene-
mies, past, present and future. " There is
no amnesty."—Savannah Republican.
... . the
should fall down and worship at the shnue of Federalists a shout of encouragement, as I
' think they have fairly started the hounds
against Santa Anna's foxes.
Your old friend Major James H. Durst, re-
cently appointed Collector lor the District of
Brazos Santiago, has entered upon th4 discharge
of his duties as such, and his friends imagine
that the Brownsville Flag in announuing thp
fact done it in a very cold manner, and attrib-
uted his predecessors removal to unfait-ma-
noeuvres carried our by some of hi enemies.
I have heard more than one uf'Gov. Bell's
friends say that he is the man' alluded to, and
as to this 1 have not the means of knowing how
true it may be. 1 imagine that Governor Beli
would do publicly whatever he wonld in pri-
vate, but others there may be who honestly
think otherwise. Free country and all are en-
titled to their own opinions.
Santa Anna's hireling minion, the blackleg
foreigner Woll, who has recently been appoin-
ted by his master. Governor and Commanding
General of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon ar.d Tarn-
aulipas, declares that he will go and hang all
the Chieftains in the rebels army. You may
well doubt if this infamous, unpitying assassin
ventures out of Mat&moros, unless it be to
come over into Fort Brown, where they will
have the honor of entertaintng him along with
his mistress. MATAMOBOS.
Kansas Quiet —From all accounts it
seems that the troubles in Kansas are over,
and all parties are relapsing into peace and
tranquillity. The slaveholders and the free
settlers have set themselves down ride by
side, and are usefully engaged in tilling the
earth, or building Looses., or undertaking
other works necessary for the developetnent
of the country and its preparation for admis-
sion to the Union. Where, a short time
since, there was nothing heard but the sound
of strife, and threats of revolvers and so forth,
the voice of merriment has now the field to
itself, and the only tools in requisition are
the axe, the plough, and the saw. So much
■for the ominous forebodings of the free soilers.
It seems likely that Kansas will afford a
solution of a problem that has been much dis-
cussed without, as yet, any definite under-
standing being had upon its merits. The
free soilers from the East and the slaveown-
ers from the South have, as we said, settled
side by side, and engaged iu similar pursuits.
Labor for profit is the spirit of both. Now
it is quite clear that in a very few years all
these people will know exactly whether free
labor or slave labor is the most profitable for
that region, because they will hare tried both
under like conditions, and watched the results.
If after a few years' trial, say, when they
apply for admission as a State, slave labor
has been found the best, they will frame a
constitution acknowledging slavery; if on the
contrary, as the abolitionists pretend, slave
labor be really more costly than free, they
will of course have found it out, and will ex-
clude slavery by their own act.
An experiment of the kind has beeb mnch
needed in this country to settle the debated
question of the relative productiveness of
slave and free labor. It is pretty nearly
established now that in by &r the greater
part of the South whites can labor as safely
and as productively as the negro®; though it
seems unlikely that any European race will
ever be able to labor in the fields in such a
climatc as that of Cuba, or parts of Louisiana,
Alabama and Texas. The question is whether
hired white labor would be as profitable as
slave labor in those regions where the whites
can work. And that question can ouly be
decided by fall experiment in a southern la-
titude, where whites and blacks Work side
by side. This experiment is beiog tried in
Kansas. If for no other reason than the im-
portance of having it made, it would have
been a pity to exclude slavery from the coun-
try.—V. T. Herald.
Before his execution, Shultx made a
full confession to Lewis M. H. Washington,
Esq., who designs publishing it, with two ac-
curate likenesses of the murderer, one taken
that sheet. Let him answer why.
ifT his personage charges me with writing my
'first article with au intention to "create bad
feelings against the> German population.'' He
is simply false in his conclusions., Surrounded
with every evidence of the justness of what I
said, the article was written simply with an in-
tention to warn adopted citizens, as they val-
ued their own welfare, not to provoke further
the forbearance of those they have come to
live amongst. 1 was and am sustained in what
1 said by every honest-minded, truthful citizen;
yes, and by many who are allied to an Amer-
ican citizen of German birth," by Sag Nicht
sympathisers. In reply to my query, "who
are the Germans of Texas then, and what are
they doing," and to my assertion that the
" Germans were the originators of the animos-
ity now existing" Sic., this champion of our
adopted citizons enters iuto a be mtiful system
ol evasion and special pleading in order that
he might sail round the 'rue issue. Instead of
coming up to the poiut like a man confideut
that he has justice and truth on his side, aud
giving the charge a flat denial in the name of
the German population, he goes off into a mel.
lifluous whine, and telli us they are not the es-
caped victims of foreign tyranny and despo-
tism, but industrious, peaceable, law-abiding
citizens; tells us how they took peaceable pos-
session ot^tho good land glvenjhem i.y the Re-
public of Texas and began to feed their hun-
gry mouths from its fruitful bosom; how they
went out on the frontier and "fit bled aud li-
ed " for the country; how small such places as
Lavaca, Victoria. Gonzales and Seguin were
jguiieu-they came here; how Western Texas
would never have been any country at ail
but for them; how mucn money was disbursed^
in New Biauufels; how rich they have made
these " cursed'' Americans, &c., &c., &c. He
forgot to say how poor they wereiu Germany;
how mauv lords aud pnhc5s~fi!ey were slaves
'•-to; what sort of laws they livej under; how
many teet instead of acres ol laud thev ever
suio much less owned m Germany; tor-rot to
tell us they were grateiul to the Government
ot Texas lor iaviliug them here; how tli^y
have held up ttieir heads like nieu siuce they
have come to be frets, and how they have be-
come almost rich exempt as they are from op-
pressive taxation, and liviug as they do under
our benigu institutions, where they can each
live and worship God as it lists them under
their "own vine and jtig tree." Yes, aud he
forgot to say that he and his countrymen were
regarded by the Texians as good citizens un-
til the San 'Antonio platform convention and
other things traiispired to shake onreontideuce
iu them. He says that after the San Antonio
platform was adopted, "a great many," he
believes "the most" of the people of New
Biauufels protested against the same. Why
have they not continued not ouly to protest but
to act against the doings of these "twenty
men;" aud did not these "twenty men," as-
sembled from every German community iu the
State, represent- a large party of the Germans ?
A person ot such extensive information and of
such leadership among the Germans as this
"American Citizen of German Birth" ought
to knoic these things. Then, as another mis-
erable defence of his countrymen from the
charge of abolitionism, (not being able to find
any belter] he refers to what Huston of the
San Antonio Texan says iu contradiction of
the learned and astute editorial doctor of the
"Zeitung." Angels and Ministers of grace!—
When the poor editorof tho Texan neverspoke
a word of German in his life, this " American
of German biith" makes him know more about
the private opinions of the Germans, than Dr.
Douai, who is at home in that language—whose
associations are with them—who wa* born in the prison, the othor on the gallows, in
amoug them and is sustaining his paper on New York, this summer. It will be an in-
Gcrman patronage! No, Mr. "American of
Col. Kinney, who has certainly start-
ed for Nicaragua with a portion of his men,
left behind him for publication a card to the
public, which has been published. It reaf-
firms the entirely peaceful and lawful nature
of his enterprise in Nicaragua, and pronoun-
ces the action of the Government in prevent-
ing the sailing of his vessels, high-handed,
tyrannical and oppressive. He appeals to
his future deeds in the land to which he is
going, as the best defence against the accu-
sations ot his enemies; affirms it to be his
purpose to plant amid the wilds of Nicara-
gua, on lands legally acquired, " the school-
house and the church," to live there "as be-
comes orderly, industrious and law-abiding
citizcns, to encourage agriculture, establish
commerce, and cultivate the soil, which em-
bellish life." He adds, and herein probably
is the essence of his project:
And if, in the fullness of time, political
changes should occur; if a respectable, re-
sponsible and permanent Government should
be established where anarchy now reigns; if
the unhappy wars that now desolate the land
should give place to peaceful labor, and the
State rise again, purified by her trials and
prepared for the place destined by the God
of Nations for her, we shall still be reaoy to
hear the verdict pronounced upon our enter-
prise.
German birth," this wont do—try again. 1 am
happy to find that he does not try to deny the
mobbing of a lawyer in New Brauutels—
though he makes a statement to suit himself
by charging it to a few " drunken fellows."—
Now do tell us thou "American of German
birth" what are your ideas of a "few?"—
Say, was it lass than one hundred, or even one
hundred and fifty that composed the mob ?—
We are auxious to know. I am glad that he
denies one thing emphatically; that is. that,
the Americans have been ordered to leave New
Braunfels before Christinas. This is the only
thing he denies. I only stated it as a rumor
here. As to my remarks concerning the "Hes-
sians " I shall say something to Oswald in tti3
San Antonio Sentinel about that.
I still adhere to my position, that the Ger-
mans originated that animosity existing be-
teres ting narrative of crime. He confessed
to having killed Col. Teal at Texana in 1887,
Green in Gonzales county in 1844, Bateman
and Jett. (for which he was hung,) and di-
vers others in other States. He gave his
real name as Jesse Hamilton Shaltz, and
Indiana as his native State. Mr. IS ashing-
ton will portray his dreadful career iu all its
! details.—Civilian.
Remarkable Aerial Tsir.—The Phil-
adelphia Ledger, of Saturday last, say? :
Wm. D. Banmistle, of Adrian City,
Michigan, ascended iu a balloon from that
place on Friday morning at half-prat 10
o'clock, and descended in Clarion county,
Pennsylvania, at half-ps£t 2 o clock in tho
afternoon, making the computed distance of
1350 miles in the extraordinary short time
1 of four hours. This is his second trip, and
~ i an experimental one with a balloon of nnn-
" 1 sually large size. It is thirty feet in diame-
tween them and the American-born citizens, J^r, contains over 600 vards'of silk, and is
and that it does exist./ Now Mr. "American ! 0f holding 19,*000 cubic feet of {.as.
citizen of Ge rman birth " tell us if, you ever j After his ascent to the distance of three
knew young men from Guadalupe county at. | miles and a half, the aeronaut struck th«
tending your balls and dancing with your girls \ eastern current of air, which, be says, M
in New Braunfels to be kicked out of the ball { continually blowing in the one directiou. It
room 1 Tell us if you ever knew any such ; carried him south to the lakes, through Cen-
goin g there on such occasions to v e rudely as- ! tral Ohio. His intention was not to descend
saulted and forced t->leave from personal dan- ! until dark, as he was above the rain clouds
ger 1 Tell us if the Germans do not all jumn , 'n a clear upper sky, but the excqsswe w
on one in New Braunfels when he happens to
get into a little fight with one of your citizens !1
and
to mak e an early escape ?_ imaue nocnanres ; UnraA .„ . R,nt haT;B0. ^
tical purposes dissolvol.— Slate Gazette.
Then look out for th* Colorvto
to which he was exposed brought on the
accustomed drowsy sensation, which prevent-
sadly bruise him if he is not chappy as ^ him *oin Properly
, . • i He was in that sleepy state when his "craft
I make nocharjres < , , . - t j r> i •- *
but. ask fo r information. Tell us also, how the anchored in a tree in Red Rink, having
j.j -r fyaporation
We believe that every one felt that
the secret order in this county is for ail prac-! American ' citi nrof your ci7y"aw as "respOT- ' fended in consequence of the
sible as you Mr
man birth." I«r a
American
mob. ^rheti
citizen of Ger- jof the ca?.
vrii and ofh?r 'foef wer an
Th'- cold was so severe that his
ipli=tel*- frozen.
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Ford, John S. The Texas State Times (Austin, Tex.), Vol. 2, No. 32, Ed. 1 Saturday, July 14, 1855, newspaper, July 14, 1855; Austin, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth235767/m1/1/: accessed April 26, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.