The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 263
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CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
263
to meet the objects specified in said treaty; for what
objects; what amount was intended for the Chero-
kees individually, and what amount is subject to
the legislation of their national councils; what
amount has been expended under each of the articles
of the treaty aforesaid, and how paid; what amount
has been lawfully expended for the several objects
specified under the treaty; and what amount has
been wrongfully and improperly expended; and if
any, by whom; what further appropriations are ne-
cessary to fulfil said treaty according to its true intent;
what amount should be due each individual accord-
ing to the provisions of said tre^y, and the customs
of said tribe of Indians, of 1835; what amount of
money, so due, is in the treasury, and why it has
not been paid; what portion of the individuals of
said tribe have demanded said money; and what
further legislation is necessary in order to carry out
all the provisions of said treaty, and to preserve
peace on the frontier; and to prevent domestic strife
among said tribe of Indians; and that said commit-
tee have full power to send for persons and pa-
pers.
Mr. KING presented a joint memorial, adopted
by the legislature of Alabama, and resolutions in-
structing the senators and requesting her representa-
tives in Congress from that State to use their exer-
tions to carry out the objects of the memorial. The
memorial sets forth that many individuals, who
were entitled to the benefits of the pre-emption law
of 1838 and 1840, were necessarily deprived of the
ability of availing themselves of such benefits by
the pressure of the times. That their little posses-
sions will soon be subject to entry, and that they are
unable to raise specie funds to pay for them. They
therefore ask Congress so to extend the provisions
of the pre-emption Taw, as to secure them their pos-
sessions at the government price, believing that they
could not be sold beyond that price, if put up at
public sale now—some of the lands having been al-
ready offered, and would not bring that price; but
still, if the lands on which they have made the im-
provements are exposed to public at the time at
which they are liable to be thus sold, they might
fall into other hands. The memorial therefore prays
that the right of of pre-emption may be extended
for two years. The memorial was referred to the
Committee on Public Lands, and ordered to be
printed.
THE STATE OF IOWA.
The PRESIDENT pro km. laid before the Senate
a communication from the President of the United
States, transmitting a letter from the governor of
Iowa, accompanied by a memorial of the legisla-
tive assembly of that territory, asking admission,
as an independent State, into the Union; which, on
the motion of Mr. SEVIER, was referred to the
Committee on the Judiciary.
Also, a communication from the President of the
United States, transmitting a report made to the
Navy Department by Captain Stockton, relative to
the vessel of war Princeton, which was constructed
under his supervison, and recommending to Con-
gres the adoption of a similar plan in the construc-
tion of other vessels of war: referred to the Com-
mittee on Naval Affairs.
Also, laid before the Senate the report of the audi-
tor of the Post Office Department of the accounts for
the service of that office for the year ending July,
1843: ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. HENDERSON gave notice that he would,
on to-morrow, ask leave to introduce a bill regula-
ting the fees of officers in the courts of the United
States in the several States.
THE FINE BILL.
Mr. ALLEN desired to call up the bill to restore
to funeral Jackson the fine imposed on him at New j
Orleans by Judge Hall, with a view of so disposing ;
of it as to make it the first business in order to-mor-
row morning during the morning hour, having been
precluded from calling it up for action this morning
in consequence of the consumption of the time of the
Senate in other matters.
The CHAIR suggested that it would be much
better to let the bill remain in its then condition on
the calendar, and submit a motion in the morning to
postpone the previous orders to take it up.
The suggestion was acquiesced in.
THE COMPROMISE ACT—THE TARIFF.
On motion of Mr. EVANS, the Senate resumed
the consideration of the resolution of the Finance
Qonunittee, to postpone indefinitely the bill intro-
duced by Mr. McDuffie, to reduce the rates of
duties under the present tariff to the standard of the
compromise act.
Mr. HUNTINGTON addressed the Senate for
two hours. He said it was with unfeigned reluc-
tance he rose to speak on the subject of the bill in-
troduced by the honorable senator from South Car-
olina—not from thinking that any discussion that
could be had in the Senate would either remove or
affect the foundation on which the bill of 1842 rest-
ed. That bill was now part and parcel of the stat-
ute books of the United States, where he had little
doubt of its continuing. It was, in his opinion, abe-
neficent and wise political measure, the friends of
which were prepared, willing, and desirous, at all
proper times, and on all proper occasions, to defend.
But when discussion commenced, he had hoped it
would have been confined, not to the merits or de-
merits of the proposed bill, but to the true question
before the Senate—the jurisdiction of that body to
entertain such bills.
The question at issue was, whether the bill of
1842 was, as described by the honorable senator from
New Hampshire, framed for the sole benefit of a
small portion of the community, at the expense of
the remainder; or was it calculated to sustain the
national credit, increase the business, and add
to the prosperity of the country. That
the bill would produce the latter effects, he
had no room left to doubt. With this conviction,
he much regretted the course taken by the senators
opposed to him, as no discussion on the subject
could lead to practical good; for, if the laws in re-
lation to the duties on importation were to be
brought before that body every session of Congress
for alteration or revigggfe, there would be no protec-
tion left for any dajjiie industrial classes; they
would lose all confidence in laws and law-makers,
and their energies would become paralyzed. Stabil-
ity in laws relating to duties was absolutely neces-
sary to insure the common weal; and, as the bill of
1842 was framed for the revival of business, the en-
couragement of industry, and the securing to labor
an adequate reward, he felt confident it would not
be altered or disturbed. If a measure to restore our
credit, meet our expenditures, and discharge our
debts, was what senators would support, then the
present law would remain unchanged, and would
prove a blessing to the country. He was struck
by a remark made by the honorable senator
from South Carolina, that "there was no new
ground to be taken by either side on the
the question. There might be no new ground, so
far as the question was confined to the measure be-
ing one of tariff, revenue, or protection; but the dif-
ferent state of the country from the time of passing
former bills offered arguments in favor of measures
now, which could not be advanced at an earlier pe-
riod. He regretted that the distinguished and tal-
ented senator from New Hampshire should have
considered it necessary to apply the epithets that he
did to the bill of 1842; his extensive knowledge,
tact, and shrewdness, required no such adventitious
aid; and he therefore felt the deeper regret on hear-
ing that gentleman designating that as oppressive
bill, an abomination, a horror, a mongrel, a monster,
an idol bowed down to by the men of the East. He
knew the honSrable senator too well to attribute to
him any improper motive in using those epithets;
he knew that his opposition was conscientious; and
his (Mr. Huntington's) only regret was, that
he should have resorted to so strong a mode
of expression. He would endeavor to avoid,
in himself, the fault he found m another. He
would use no such epithets m regard to the bill
of the honorable senator from South Caiolina: such
a course, he thought, never added to the strength of
equitable argument. The honorable senator from
New Hampshire stated, at the commencement of
his address, that he would not build his argument
on theories, but that he would confine himself to
facts, and draw his conclusion from them. Now
he (Mr. H.) intended to follow the same course-
to base what he had to say on facts; differing only
from the honorable senator [Mr. "Woodbury] in his
intention to bring forth all tlie legitimate facts bear-
ing on the question, and not a portion, selected for
the particular occasion. The principle of the oppo-
nents of the bill of 1842 was right; or, if not, the
principle of its supporters was right. The former
went for unrestricted free trade; the latter for a law
that would sustain and encourage all the interests of
the country, and slide into the interests and wealth
offoreign nations. If the latter view was right,
then the honorable senate- from New Hampshire;
and those acting with him, were incorrect. That
gentleman said that the tariff required revision, and
that now was the time for it. To the request of its
supporters to give it a fair trial, he answered that that
request would have some weight if the measure, was
as a new one; but in giving this answer, he did not
reflect that the frame-work of the tariff was essentially
different from any preceding measure of the kind;
the rates of duty were new, and the circumstances
and business of the country different. Those facts
alone should have shown him the bill as entirely a
new measure, and ought to have secured for it, ex-
cept the interests of the countiy imperiously demod-
ed otherwise, a fair trial, lie demands the modifi-
cation of the bill now, because some of those who
v®ted for it, declared that they did so from oecessi-
sity. As regarded the ex-honorable senator from
Maine, his colleagues were on the floor nd could
answer for him. The senator from New York and
Pennsylvania were present, and could speak for
themselves; but as far as he could infer from
report, the senator from Pennsylvania declared,
at a public meeting, his entire approval of the meas-
ure. The question was, however, not what they
thought then, but what they think now. The Sen-
ator from New Hampshire had also alluded to a
letter from Mr. Clay, in which he says "if there are
errors in this bill, they should be corrected." But
he did not advance it as Mr. Clay's opinion that the
bill should be modified, as suggested by the Sen-
ator from South Carolina.
Mr. H. went on to argue that the bill of 1828,
received from the gentlemen now opposed to the
tariff, the items, in shape of amendments, which
earned for it the character of an abomination. Even
supposing Mr. Woodbury right, he did not think
tins the proper time to go into consideration of the
bill of 1842. The first proposition of Mr. W. was that
the bill was framed for the direct protection of a very
small class, at the expense of the rest of the comm-
unity. Now this was one ofthe old stereotyped charges
that had been as often refuted as advanced. He
denied there was any authority for so designating
the bill; it was not sought for by the small
class of manufacturers in 1842; but by a much greater
and more numerous portion of the people. Mr. H.
went on at length to show that the tariff was for the
general good, and was more a revenue than a pro-
tective measure. The articles mentioned by Mr.
Woodbury as bearing the high duty of 100 per cent,
and over, were nothing to judge by; if every article
in the tariff was liable to such high rates, then the
argument would have some weight; but bringing to
the foreground only those articles bearing high du-
ties, and keeping all others out of view, was rather
an admission of weakness than a demonstration of
strength. Show the tariff fairly as it stood, and it
would require no further proof of its value to the
revenue. He enumerated the amounts received from
duties on sugars, silks, woollens, molasses, spirits,
&c., and then went on show that Turks Island salt
was, previous to a protecting duty, worth, in this
country, one dollar per bushel; but when salt works
were established here, the price of Turks Island salt,
which is the best kind, fell to 20 cents per bushel.
This reduction of price was effected by domestic
enterprise—enterprise which, if war commenced to-
morrow, would secure to us that great ^essential at a
cost of twenty-five or twenty-six cents, instead of four
or five dollars per bushel As to the enormous duty
complained of by the honorable gentleman, taking
his own calculation of the population at twenty
millions, and allowing to each one-third of a
bushel per year, it would amount to one-third ot
two cents on each. The illustration used by Mr.
"Woodbury relative to hides, would not hold good.
The mutual dependence which, by the order of
Providence, exists in all classes of the community-—*
that beautiful system which leaves not one independ-
ent of the other, but makes all dependent on the great
source of good from above—will show to the farmer,
that the duty of five per cent on the raw hide is,
through the workings of the system, equally as ben-
eficiafto him as the duty of thirty-five per cent, on
leather is to the manufacturer. The same refutation
he gave to tlie other illustrations of Mr. W. viz:
boots, shoes, cottons, wool, (the senator from Ver-
mont, he said, would perhaps give his views on
that particular in the course of the debate,)
raw silk, brass, hemp, &c. The next illustration of
the evils ofthe tariff, as given by the honorable sen-
ator from New Hampshire, related (he said) to rags
.and paper. Now, he never heaid the farmers complain
ofthe want of a protective duty to enable them to
wise rags; a«4 to paper, he believed they
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 1: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2367/m1/287/: accessed May 5, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.