The Northern Standard. (Clarksville, Tex.), Vol. 7, No. 36, Ed. 1, Saturday, May 4, 1850 Page: 1 of 4
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CHARLES DE MORSE
IiOXG SIIAt.1. OUR B.VXJTEK. 1IRAVK THE BREEZE THE STANDARD Of THE FREE.
EDJTOR &. PROPRIETOR.
CLARKSVILLE RED RIVER COUNTY TEXAS SATURDAY MAY 4 1850
NO. 36.
VOL.7
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T II H F U T I It 1'. .
Years arc coming peed lUmi o.i Irani !
Wlicn the sword shall gather ru:it.
And the helmet lance and falchion
'Sleep in ailcnt diisil
Eartli has heard too long of hat'lc.
Heard the trumpet's oioc too long;
Hut snolhcr ape aJvniicUs
Sccrs forclold in tonjr.
In llic past the age of iron
Those who sl.-iughirriitjr met their kinJ
Have loo often worn llic rhnplct
Honor's hand has turned.
Hut the hcroc3 of the future
Shall be wen ulio-e hearts are strong.
Men whose words a.:d ac!s!iall only
War against the throng.
"Uut the sabre in tin :r eonlrsts
Shn.II no nart no honor own ;
War's dread art shall Iv lorgulicn
Carnage all unknown.
Years arc coming when forever
War's red hanner shall b fur'M
And the angel Peac.- be welcome J
Hegent of the world !
Hail witli song that ;Iiiimti cm
When :hc sword shall gather rust
And the hchnct lance and falcllion
Sleep in silent dust !
first r.inT or
SPEECH OF M R.CLAY
on ills moPdscD ttemt'uui. co:irr;iuisK.
lx ScnatE- February 5 155(1.
Mr. MANGUM. I move that the Senate
now proceed to the consideration of the spe-
cial order being the resolutions proposed by
the Senator from Kentucky.
The motion was agreed to and the Senate
proceeded to the consideration of the follow-
ing resolutions:
It being desirable for the peace concord
and harmony of the Union of these Slates
to settle and adjust amicably all existing
questions of controversy between them ari-
sing out of the institution of slavery upon a
fair equitable and jnst basis Therefore
1st. licsolrcd That California wilh sui-
table boundaries ought upon her application
to be admitted as one of the States of this
Union without the imposition by Congress
of any restriction in respect to the exclusion
or introduction of slavery within those bound-
aries. 2d. Resolved That ns slavery dora not
exist by the law and is not likely to be in-
troduced into any of the territory acquired
by the United States from the Republic of
Mexico it is inexpedient for Congress to
provide by law cither for its introduction into
or exclusion from any pait of the said terri-
tory; and that appropriate Territorial Gov-
ernments ought to he established by Coa-
nrcss in all of llic said territory not aligned
as the boundaries of the pmposed State of
Californii without the adoption of any re-
Stttcliuit or condition on the subject of slave
Mr. CLAY. Mr. President never on
any former occasion have I risen under feel-
ings of such painful solicitude I have wit-
nessed many periods of great anxiety of pe-
ril and of danger in this country but I have
never before risen to address any assemblage
ko oppressed so appalled and so anxious;
and sir I hope it will not be out of place to
do here what again and again I have done
in my private chamber to implore of Ilim
who holds the destinies of nations and indi-
viduals in his h.i.'ido to bestow upon our
country his blessing to bestow upon our
people his blessing to calm the violence and
rape of patty to still passion to allow rea-
son or.ee more to resume its empire. And
may I not ask of Him too sir to bestow on
his humble servant now before Him the bjess-
ing of his smiles and of strength and ability
to perform the -work which lies before him?
Sir I have said tiiat I have witnessed other
anxious periods is :he history of our country
and if I were to venture Mr. President to
trace to their original source the cause of our
present dangers difficulties and distraction
1 should ascribe it to the violence and intem-
perance of party spirit. To party spirit! Sir
in the progress of this session we have had
the-testimony of two Senators here who
however they may differ on other matter
concur in the existence of that cause in ori-
ginating the unhappy differences which pre
vail throughout the country on the subject of
the institution t)l shivery. Parties in their
endeavors to obtain the otic the ascendancy
over the other catch at every passing or
floating- plank in order to add strength and
power to each. We have been told by the
two Senators (o whom I have referred that
each of the parties at the North in lis turn
has wooed aod endeavored to obtain the as-
sistance of asmall party called Abolitionists
in order that the scale in its favor might pre-
ponderate against that of its adversary. And
all around us everywhere we see too many
evidences of the existence of the spirit and
intemperance of party. I might go to other
legislative bodies than that which is assem-
bled in Congress and I might draw from them
illustrations of the melancholy truth upon
which I am dwelling but I need not pass out
of'this Capiiol itself. I say it sir with all
deference and respect'to that other portion of
Congress assembled In the other wing of
this'capitoj; but what have we witnessed
Uiere? During 'this very session one whole
t&'eh'a-Vbcen exhausted I think about a
week fff.tho vain endeavor to elect a door-
Keeperdf'llifc 'House.
Herb there WSS great confusion arising
from th'e cdntititlal pressing forward of the
Efowii wlio tlirorige.4 die galleries the lob-bieV-
afliHh'e Jjpor r the jciiamber so much
tf:akalmoSl''rJrowri Ui'e"V'oice of'the honor-
able "sp'eaker.'l' c
Tho Vicli Presfdenl directed tlio Scrgeanl-al-Ams'ld'
clca'r the "outer lobbies of (ho
farovfd: and order being .in so'rrie degree rcs-
IUCU
what
rkcepe
iSan OT.ineJqualities-Qr tho xnanor who .is
DcSl uuapieu iu iiiu siiuuuuii .hiu muvhi
MrCravVeaumbd.-'Arid;Mr.rPre?iapnt
f. . . . t I . ; -.
. was tInquestion in thisjstriigglo. to
Uiet a doorkcener? It was not-as to-the
c'r the doorkeeper entertained opinions upon
certain great national measures coincident
with this or that side of the House. That
was the solo question which prevented the
election of a doorkeeper for about the period
of a week. Sir I make no reproaches
none lo either portion of that House.; I state
the fact; and I state the fact to draw from it.
the conclusion and to express the hope that
there will be an endeavor to check this vio
lence of party
Sir what vicissitudes do wo not pass thro'
in
thtssiioit mortal career ol ours? fc.iglit
years or nearly eight years ago I took my
leave finally and ns I supposed forever
from this body. At thai time 1 did not con-
ceive of the possibility of ever again return
ing to it. And if my private wishes and par!
i . .i'
lilu iiiuv.1 .uutu iiuii wi v. uinu j uu iviriiiii
never have seen me occupying the scat which
I now occupy upon this lloor. The Legis-
lature of the State to which I belong unso-
licited by mo chose to designate me for this
n.wl mm filllrl hllfn n.Al-11 AjI -nt 1nilll '
station nud 1 have come here sir in obedi
ence to a sense of stem duty with no per
sonal objects no private views now or here
after to gratify. I know sir the jealousies
the fear. the apprehensions which arc en
gendered by the existence of that party spir-
it to which I have referred; but if there be
in my hearing now in or out of this Capitol
any one who hopes in his race for honors
and elevation for higher honors St higher ele
vation than that which he may now occupy I
bog him to believe that I at least will never
jostle him in the pursuit of those honors or
that elevation. I beg him to be perfectly
persuaded that if inv wishes prevail my name
shall never be used in competition with his.
I beg to assure him that when my service is
terminated in this body my mission so far
as respects the public affairs ol" this world
and upon this earth is closed and closed if
my wishes prevail forever. Hut sir it is
impossible for us to be blind to the facts
which arc daily transpiring bcfoic us. It is
impossible for us not to perceive that party
spirit and future elevation mix more or less
in all our affairs in all our deliberations.
At a niotrient when the White Houc itself
is in danger of conflagration instead of all
hands uniting to extinguish the flames wc
arc contending about who shall be its next
occupant. When a dreadful crevasse has
occurred which threatens inundation and
destruction lo all around it wc are contest-
ing and disputing about the profits of an es
tate which is threatened with total .submer-
sion. Mr. President it is passion passion par-
ty party and intemperance that is all I
dread in the adjustment of the great questions
which unhappily at this time divide our dis-
tracted country. Sir at this moment wc
have in the legislative bodies of this Capitol
and in the States twenty-odd furnaces in full
blast emitting heat ami passion and intem-
perance and diffusing them throughout the
whole extent of this broad land. Two mouths
ago all was calm in comparison to the pre-
sent moment. All now is uproar confusion
and menace to the existence of the Union
.-iiiu lo the happiness and safety of this peo-
ple. Sir I implore Senators I entreat them
by all that they expect hereafter and by all
that is dear to them here below to repress
the ardor of these passions to look to their
country to its interests to listen to the voice
of reason not rj-i it shall be attempted to be
uttered by mo for I am not so presumptuous
as In indulge tho hope that any thing I may
say will deserve the attention which I have
desired but to listen to their own reason
their own judgment their own good sense in
determining upon what is best to be done for
our country in the actual posture in which
wc find her. Sir to this great object have
my efforts been directed during this whole
session. I have cut myself off from all the
usual enjoyments of social life I have con-
fined myself almost entirely with very few
exceptions lo my own chamber nnd from
the beginning of the session to the present
time my thoughts have been anxiously direct-
ed to the object of finding some plan of pro-
posing some mode of accommodation which
should once more restore the blessings of
concord harmony and peace to this great
country. I am not vain enough to suppose
that I have been successful in the accomplish-
ment of this object but I have presented a
scheme and allow me lo sair to honorable
Senators that if they find in that plan any
thing that is defective if they find in it any
Ihitig that is worthy of acceptance but is sus-
ceptible of improvement by amendment it
seems to me that the true and patriotic course
is not to denounce it but to improve it not
to reject without examination any project of
accommodation having for its object the res-
toration of harmony in this country but to
look at it to see if it be susceptible of alter
ation or improvement so as to.accomplish the
object which I indulge the hope is common
to all and every one of us. to restore peace
and quiet and harmony and happiness to this
Country.
- Sir when I came to consider this subject
there were two or three general purposes
which it seemed to me 'o be most desirable
if possible to accomplish. The one was to
settle all the controverted questions arising
out of the subject of slavery. It seemed to
me to be doing very little "if wc settled ouc
question and left other distracting questions
unadjusted. It seemed to me doing but Jiltle
if wc stopped one leak only in the ship of
State and lelt other leaks capable of produ
cing aanger ti not destruction lotne vessel
I therefore turned my attention to every sub
ject connected with the institution of slavery
and out ot which controverted questions had
sprung-to sec if it were possible orpracticable
to accommodate and adjust tho wholc'ofthcrn.
Another principal object which attracted my
attention was to endeavor to form such a
scheme of accommodation as that neither of
the two classes of States into which our
country is so unhappily divided should make
any .sacrifice of liny great principle. I be-
lieve sir (he series of resolutions which I
have' had the' honor" to present to the. Senate
accorrinlishcs that subject.
Sir.Tiholhcr:nuriio3d wlltdh' I had in view
was thia : I was aware of the difference of
opinion prevailing between these two clashes
nCStatcs. I was awaro'that whilst opcfpOrr
tion "of the Union was pushing matters3 ns if
sccrne3!:tb mo to tho. greatest) e;
- .. . .i . -.-
t'riViily;'
another portion of the' Union was pushing
ticular inclination.-; and the desire during the . in the third place in reference to the s lave-
short remnant of nly days to remain in repose holding States there arc resolutions making
j them (ft an opposite and perhaps Hot less
: dangerous extremity. It appeared to inc
then that if any arrangement any sdlllhrf-
tory adjustment could be made of the con
trovcrted questions between the two classes
'of S'atcs that adjustment that arrangement
couid only bo successful and effectual by
cxactin" fron botlt parlies some concessions
not of principle not of principle at all but
of feeling of opinion in relation to matters in
controversy between them. Sir I bclicc
the resolutions which I have prepared fulfil
. tll.-lt o
abject. I believe sir that you will find
upon that careful rational and attentive ax-
animation of (hem which I think they de-
serve that neither party in some of them
make any concession at all ; in others the
concessions of forbearance aro mutual and
concessions to them by the opposite class of
States without any compensation whatever
being rendered by them to the non-slavehol-ding
States. I think every one of these
ch aractcristics which I have assigned and
the measures which I proposed arc susccpti-
blc.of clear and satisfactory demonstration
by an attentive perusal and critical examin
ation of the resolutions themselves. Lot
us taks up the first resolution.
The first resolution Mr. Prcsidenl as vou
are aware relates to California and itjdcclarcs
that California with suitable limits ought
to be admitted as a member of this Union
without the imposition of nny restriction
cither to interdict or to introduce slavery
within her limits. Well now is there any
concession in this resolution by cither party
to the other? I know that gentlemen who
come from slavcholding Stales say the North
gets all that it desires ; but by whom does it
get it ? Docs it get it by any action of Con-
gress ? If slavery he interdicted within the
limits of California has it been done by Con-
gress by this Government ? No sir.
That interdiction is imposed by California
herself. And has it not been the doctrine of
all parties that when a State is about to be
admitted into the Union the State has a
right to decide for itself whether it will or
will not have slaverv within its limits ?
Here the confusion arising from theft res
sure of the crowd was so great that it was
with difficulty Mr. C. could be heard. And
he suspended his remarks until the lobbies
had been sufficiently cleared to secure a res-
toration oforder.
Mr. CLAY resumed. The great princi-
ple sir which was in contest upon the mem-
orable occasion of thu introduction of Mis-
souri into the Union was whether it was
competent or not competent for Congress to
impose any restriction which should exist af-
ter she became a member of the Union?
Wc who were in favor of the admission of
Missouri contended that no such restriction
should be imposed. Wc contended that
whenever she was once admitted into the
Union she had all the rights and privileges
ot' any pre-existing State in the Union and
that am ng these rights and privileges ono
was to decide for herself whether slavery
should or should not exist within her limits;
that she had as much a right to decide upon
the introduction of shivery or its abolition as
New York had a right to decide upon the in-
troduction or abolition of slavery; and that
although subsequently admitted she stood
amongst her peers equally invested with all
tho privileges that any one of the original
thirlc-jii Slates li.nl a right to enjoy. And
so sir I think that those who have been
contending with so much earnestness and
perseverance for the Wilnnt proviso ought
to reflect that even if they could carry their
object and adopt the proviso it ceases the
moment any Slate or Territory to which it
wa-applicable com sto'be admitted as a mem-
ber of tho Union. Why sir no one con-
tends now no one believes th.it with regard
to those Northwestern Statos to which the
ordinance of 17S7 applied Ohio Indiana
Illinois and Michigan no one can now be-
lieve but that any one of those Slates if they
thought proper to do it have just as much
right to introduce slavery within their borders
as Virginia has to maintain the existence of
slavery within hers. Then sir if in the
struggle for powver and empire between the
two classes of Statcs'a decision in California
has taken place adverse to the wishes of the
Southern States it is a decision not made by
tho General Government. It is a decision
respecting which they can utter no complaint
towards the General Government. It i3 a
decision made by California herself; which
California had unquestionably the. right to
make under the constitution of flic United
States. There is.thcn in the first resolution
according to tho observations which I made
some time ago a case where neither party
concedes; where tho question of slavery
neither its introduction nor interdiction is
decided in referenco to tho action of this
Government; and if it has been decided it
has been by a different body by a different
pou'er by California itself who had a right
to make the decision.
Mr. President the next resolution in llic
series Which I have offered I beg gentlemen
candidly now to look at. I was aware per-
fectly aware of the perseverance with which
he Wilmot proviso was assisted upon. I
know that every one of the free States in this
Union without exception had by its legis-
lative body passed resolutions instructing
their Senators and requesting their Repre
sentatives to get that restriction incorporated
in any territorial government which might
be established ilnderthc auspices of Con
gress. 1 Know now niucii anu i rcgrcucu
how mucti tnc tree states nau put ineir ucaris
unon the adoption of this measure. In the
second resolution I call upon' them to waive
nersistin in it. I ask them for the sake of
peace and in the spirit of mutual forbearance
to other members of tho Union to give it up
to no longer insist upon it to see as they
inmt sec. if their cvc3 are open the dangera
which lie'ahead if they persevere' in insisl-
n" upon 'it. When I call upon them in this
resolution lo do this; am I not hound to of-
fer (brasurreinlcr-'of'thatjavorito principle
or 'measure of tltelrs.some compensation not
as an equivaleut by any means' but some
compensation in the spirit of mutual forbear-
ance which animating ono .side ought at
the same time to actuate tno otiicr s:uo.
. . - . v - . ..... r ' i -il
vii .: .- :.
it that is offered tliem? It
must still characterize with great deference I and which! think bare left tho wholecoun-
to"a1l'th03e who entertain opposite opinions ' try under tho impression of the n-estencc
is a declaration ot wnati cnaracicnzeu aim
as two truths 1 will not sdy incontestable
but to me clear .and I think they oucht to
be regarded as indisputable truths. What
arc tlicy.' mo nrsi is that by law slavery
no longer exists in any part ot tlio acquisi-
tions made by us from the Republic of Alex-
ico; and the other is. that lu our opinion ac-
cording to the probabilities of the case sla-
vcrv never will be introduced into nnv por-
tion of the territories so acquired from Mcx- ly 1 must say that upon (he idea that co in-
ico. Now. I have heard it said that this aaii upon the consumption of the treaty Hid
declaration of what I call these two truths is constitution of the United States spread it-
cquivalcnt to tho enactment of the Wilmot self over the acquired territory and carried
proviso. I have heard this asserted but is along with it the institution of slavery the
that the easel II the Wilmot proviso bo
adopted in Territorial Governments estab-
lished over these countries acquired from
Mexico it would be a positive enactment a
prohibition an interdiction as to the intro-
duction of slavery within them; but with ro-
gard to these opinions I had hoped and I
shall still indulge the hope that those who
rcprcscnt the free States will be inclined not
to insist indeed it would be extremely difii
cult to give to these declarations the form of
positive cnactmont. 1 had hoped that they
would be satisfied with the simple expression
of the opinion of Congress leaving it upon
the basis of that opinion without nskinn for
what seems to me almost impracticable if
not impossible for any subsequent enact
ment to be introduced into the bill by which
Territorial Governments should be establish-
ed. And I can only say that the second res-
olution even without thu declaration of these
tvo truths expressed would be much more
acceptable to me than with them: but I could
not forget that I was proposing a scheme of
arrangement and compromise and I could
not therefore depart from the duty which
the preparation of such a scheme seems to
me to impose of offering whilst wc ask the
surrooder on one side of a favorite measure
of offering to the other side some compensa-
tion for that surrender or sacrifice What
are the truths Mr. President? The first is
that by law slavery does not exist within the
territories ceded to us by the republic of
Mexico. It is a misfortune sir in the vari-
ous weighty and important topics which arc
connected with the subject that I am now ad-
dressing you upon that any one of the five
or six furnishes a theme for a lengthened
speech and I am therefore reduced to llic
necessity I think at least in this stage of
the discussion of limiting myself rather to
the expression of opinions than going at any
great length into the discussion of all these
various topics.
Now with respect to the opinion here ex
pressed that slavery does not exist in the
Territories ceded to the United States by
.Mexico I can only to refer to tho fact of the
passage of the law by the Supreme Govcrn-
ment of Mexico abolishing it I think in
IS'21 and to the subsequent passage ol" a law
by the legislative body of Mexico I forget in
what year by which they proposed which
it is true they have never yet carried into
full effect compensation to the owners of
slaves for the property oC which they were
stripped by the act of abolition. I can only
refer to the acquiescence of Mexico in the
abolition of slavery from the time of its extinc-
tion down tothe time of the treaty by which wc
acquired these countries. But all Mexico
so far as I know acquiesced in the noil exis-
tence of slavery. Gentlemen I know talk
about (he irregularity of the law by which
that act was accomplished ; but dues it be-
come us a foreign Power to look into the
mode by which an object has been accom
plished by another foreign Power when
she herself is satisfied with what she has done
and when too she is tho exclusive judge
whether an object which is I ical and muni-
cipal to herself has been or has not been ac-
complished in conformity with;her fundamen-
tal laws ? Why Mexico upon this subject
showed to the lust moment hen anxiety in
the documents which were laid before the
country upon the subject of the negotiation
of this treaty by Mr. Trist. Amongst them
you will find this passage in one of his
i'es-
patches :
" Among the points which came under
discussion was the exclusion of slavery from
Mexico. In the course of ihcir remarks on
the subject I was told that if it were propo-
sed to the people oft he United States to part
with a portion of their territory in order that
the inquisition should be therein established
the proposal could not excite stronger feel-
ings of abhorrence than those awakened in
Mexico by the prospect of the introduction
of slavery in auy territory parted with by
her. Our conversation on this topic was
perfectly frank and no less friendly ; and
the more effective upon their minds in as
much as 1 was enabled to say with perfect
security that although their impressions
rcspccluur the practical tact ot slavery as it
existed in the United States were I had no
doubt entirely erroneous yet there was pro-
bably no difference between my individ ual
views tin 1 sentiments on s'.avcry considered in
itself; and those which they entertained .1 in-
coucludcd by assuring thcinthat the bare men-
ion of the subject n any treaty to which the
United States were a party was an absolute
impossibility ; that no President of the Uni-
ted States would dare to present nny such
treaty to the Senate ; and that if it were
in their power to ofTcr me the whole ter-
ritory described in our project increased-
ten fold in value mid in addition to that cover-
ed a foot thick all over with pure gold upon
the single condition that slavery should be
excluded therefrom 1 could not entertain the
offer for a moment nor think even ol com-
municating it to Washington. The matter
ended in their being fully satisfied that this
topic was not to be touched and it was drop-
ped with good feeling on both sides." t
Thus you find sir that in the very act in
the very negotiation upon which thctrcatywas
concluded ceding to us the countries in
question the diplbmatic representatives of
the Mexican rcpuonc urgeu mo aonorrence
with which Mexico would view the introduc-
tion of slavery into any portion of the terri-
tory which she was about to cede to the Uni-
ted States. Tho clause of prohibition was
not inserted in consequence of the firm
ground taken by Mr. Trist and his declar-
ation that it was an utter impossibility to
mention the subject.
I take it then sir and availing myself of
tho boncfit of tho discussions which took
lnMA in r(iwnpi npMnn nn ihia nnostinn 1
"."...; .n '
of slavery within the whole of the territory
in the ceded territories I take it for uran
' ted that what I have said aided by the rcflcc-
tion ol gentlemen will satisfy them ol that lirst
truth that slavery doc3 not oxist there by
law unless slavery was carried there the
moment the (rcaty was ratified by the (wo
parties and tinder the operation oftheconsti-
tution of the United States. Now then rcal-
l of si:
citable
proposition is so irreconcilable with any
comprehension or reason that 1 possess that
I hardly know how to meet it.
Why these United States consist of thirty
States. In fifteen of them there was slavery
iu fifteen of them slavery did -ot exist.
Well how can it be argued tha. the fifteen
slave States by the operation of the consti-
j tution of ttic United States carried into (he
ceded territory their institution of slavery
any more than it can be argued on the other
side that by the operation of the same con-
stitution the fifteen free States carried into
the ceded territory tho principle of freedom
which they from policy have chosen to adopt
i within their limits? Why sir let me sup-
pose a case iet me imagine that .Mexico
liad never abolished slavery tliGrc at all let
me suppose that it was existing in point of
fact and iu virtue of law from the slioics of
the Pacific to those of the Gulf of Mexico
at the moment of the cession of those coun-
tries to us by the treaty in question. With
what patience would gcnllcmen coining from
slavcholding States listen to any argument
which should be urged by the free States
that notwithstanding the existence of slavery
within those territories the constitution of the
United States abolished it the moment it op-
erated upon and took effect in the ceded ter-
ritory? Well is there not just as much
ground to contend that where a moiety of
the States is free and the other moiety is
slavcholding the principle of freedom which
prevails in the one class shall operate as
much as the principle of slavery which pre-
vails in the other? Can you come amidst
this conflict of intcrests-principIcsSt legisla
tion which prevails in the two parts of the
Union to any other conclusion than that
which I understand to be the conclusion of
the public law of the world of reason and
justice: that the status ot law as it existed
at the moment ot the conquest or the ac
quisition remains until it is altered by
the sovereign authority of the conquering
or acquiring power I hat is the great
principle which you can scarcely turn
over a page of public law of the world
without finding recognized and every
where established. The. laws of Mexico
is they existed at the moment of the ces
sion ol" the ceded territories to this coun-
try remained the laws until they were
altered by that new sovereign power
which this people and these territories
come under in consequence of the trcaty
rf cession to the United States.
I think then Mr. President that with-
out trespassing further or exhausting the
little stock of strength which I have and
for which I shall have abundant use in
the progress of the argument 1 may leave
hat part of the subject with two or three
observations only upon the general pow-
er which 1 think appertains to this Gov-
ernment on tile subject of slavery.
Sir before I approach that subject al-
low me to say that in my humble judg-
ment the institution of slavery presents
two questions totally distinct and testing
on entirely different grounds slavery
within the States and slavery without
the States. Congress the General Gov
ernment has no power under the Consti-
tution of the United States to touch slave-
ry withiirthe States except in the three
specified particulars in that instrument:
to adjust the subject of representation;
to impose taxes when a system of direct
taxation is made; and to perform the du-
ty of surrendering or causing to be deliv-
ered up fugitive slaves that may escape
from service which tiioy owe in slave
States and take refuge in free States.
And sir I am ready to say that U Con-
gress were to attack within the States
the institution of slavery for the purpose
of the overthrow or extinction of slavery
that then Mr. President my voice would
be for-war ; then would bo made a case
which would justify in the sight of God
and in the presence of the nations of the
earth resistance on the part of the slave
States to such an unconstitutional and
usurped attempt as would be made on the
supposition which I have stated. Then
we should be acting in defence of our
rijjjits our domicilcsourpropertyoUr safe-
ty our lives; and then 1 think would be
furnished a case in which the slavehold-
ing States would be justified by all con-
siderations which pertain to the happi-
ness and security-of man to employ eye-
ry instrument .which God or nature had
placed in their hands ip resist such an at-
tempt on the part of'Jthe free States.
And then.if un fortunately civil war should
break out and we should prC3ent to tlic
Italians of the earth the spectacle of one
portion of this Union endeavoring to sub-
vert an institutioniii violation of the con
stitution and tho most iacrcd obligations
which can bindmcnS we should present
the spectacle in which we should have
the sympathies the good wishes and the
desire for our success by all meii who
love justice and truth far different I
fear would be our case if unhappily
wc should be plunged into civil war if
the two parts -ot this country slioulu be
placed in a position hostile toward each
other ill order to carry slavery into the
new territories' acquired from Mexico.
Mr. President .we have heard all of
us have read of this efforts of 'Pranccto
propagate what on the" continent bi Eu
rope? . Not.slavery sir not slavery .but
the;
nglits ot man; and we know the (atci
of Jiefttifforts ' in a work .of that kind
But if the two'portions of this Confcdcra-j
cy should unhappilly be involved in civil '
war in which the effort on the one side
would be to restrain the introduction of
slavery into new territories and on the
other side to force its introduction there
what a spectacle should wc present to the
contemplation of astonished mankind?-
An effort not to pYofttigatc right but 1
must say though I trust it will be under-
stood to" be said with no desire to excite
feeling an effort to propagate wrong itt
the territories thus acquired from Mexico?
It would be a war in which we ahoilld
have no sympathy no good wishes and
in which all mankind would be against
us and in which our own history itdelf
would be against us ; for from the com-
mencement of the revolution down to the
present timc.wc have constantly reproach
cd our British ancestors for the introduc-
tion of slavery into this country; and al
low me to say that in my opinion it is
one of the best defences which can be
made to preserve the institution in this
country that it was forced upon us against
the wishes of our ancestors our own co-
lonial ancestors and by the cupidity of
our British commercial ancestors.
The power then Mr. President in my
opinion ami I will extend it to the intro-
duction as well as the prohibitbh of slave-
ry in the new territories I tfiink the pow-
er docs exist in Congress and 1 think there
is that important distinction between
slavery outside of the States and slavery-
inside of the States that ail-outside is de-
batable nil inside of the States is unde-
batablc. The Government has no right
to touch the institution within the"States
but whether she has. and to what extent
she has the right or not to touch it outside
of the States is a question which is deba-
table and upon which men may honestly
and fairly differ but which decided how
ever it may be decided furnishes in my
judgment no just occasion for breaking
up this happy and glorious Union of ours.
Now I am not going to take up that
part of the subject which relates to the
power of Congress to legislate either with'
in this District (I shall have occasion to
make some observations upon that when
I approach the resolution relating to the
District) cither within this District or the
Territories. But 1 must say in a lew
words that I think there arc two sources
of power cither of which is in my judg-
ment sufficient to Warrant the exercise of
the power if it was deemed proper to ex-
ercise it cither to introduce or to keep out
slaver- outside the States within the
Territories.
Mr. President I shall not fake up time
of which already so much has been con-
sumed to show that according to my
sense of the constitution of the United
Stales or rather according to the sense in
which the clause has been interpreted for
the last fift- years the clause which con-
fers on Congress the power to rcgulalo
the Territories and other property of the
United States conveys" the authority.
Mr. President with my worthy friend
from Michigan and I ne the term in the
best and most emphatic sense for I be-
lieve he nnd I have known each other Jon-
rcr than he or I have known any other
Senator in this hall I cannot concur al-
though I entertain the most profound res-
pect for tho opinions he has advanced up-
on the subject adverse to my own; but I
must say when a point is settled by alt
the elementary writers of our country
by all the departments of our Govern
ment legislative and judicial when it
has been so settled for a period of fifty
years and never was seriously disturbed
till recently that I think if we are to fr
gard anj- thing as fixed and settled under
the administration of this constitution of
ours it is a question which has thus been
invariably and uniformly settled in a par-
ticular way. Or arc We to come to this
conclusion that nothing nothing on p.lrih
is settlrd under this constitution but thut
every thing is unsettled?
Mr. President we have to recollect tl w very pos-sihlc--sir
it 13 quite likriy that w'.en that consti-
tution was framed the application of it to such ler
ritorics as Louisizcai Florida California and New
Mexico was never within the ccntCTinlatkin of it
framersi It will be rccolIcctsJ that when that coa-
stitotinn was frjmcd the whole country northwest
of the river Ohio was unpeopled ; and it will ha
recollected also that the exercise and thc-aslcrtion
of the powct to make governments fi-r Territories
la their infaat stale arc in the nata'T of the rower
temporary and lo terminate whenever ihey Imc
a population competent fcr self govcrnrrtst. Sixty
thousand is' tha number fixed by the ordinance of
HS7. Now sir recollect that when this constitu-
tion was adopted and thai territory was unpeopled"
is it possible that Congress to whom it had been'
cec'cd by the Stales for tho common benefit of the
ceding State and all oilier members of the tTiiioa
is it possible that Congressihasito right whatev?
cr to declare what descrition.of soitltrs should oc-
cupy tho public land3 ! Suppose ihcy.tcok-.up tho
opinion that iho introduction of si lVcry ould" en-
hance the value of the land and ccaHc them to
Command for the public treasul'r'iij'rcatr;; amount
from that source of rcvcn'ic Ihah by the exclusion;
of; slaves would they notbafc had iho nhttosaW
in fixing the rules TCgulationsor whatever yoU
choose lo call them for the .govcrhraent of that
Territory that any'one that chooses to hring.slanrjl
may bring ihcm if it will enhance the-value of ilus
property i in the clearing and cultivation ofiljio soil?
and add to the importance of the counuy-T Orffifeo5
the reverse: Suppose that Congress' rmglit2 KiaS?'
that a greater amount of revenue Ajouli t'dcrivciL
fmm thn wnstn lanus' bevon'd thb Ohio iivcr-liV ifirv
. ill . : ' aJ
interdiction of slavery would ihejr ticljiavc S.rJsitt-
to interdict it ? Why sirK reraerrdct how ihcsff
settlements were mado and what.woQ their progress
They began with a few. I bdierc uiai abeiu--Ma.
riella the first setlleuient' waS'tnanV It was a set-
tlement of some two or three' hundred j-.crsorss Front
New England. CiuciuaatiJ'l behove vas the nxt
point where a settlement was iuade. It wa settled
perhaps by a few persons from New Jciscyj'orl..
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De Morse, Charles. The Northern Standard. (Clarksville, Tex.), Vol. 7, No. 36, Ed. 1, Saturday, May 4, 1850, newspaper, May 4, 1850; Clarksville, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth80776/m1/1/: accessed April 26, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.