National Intelligencer. (Washington [D.C.]), Vol. 48, No. 6891, Ed. 1 Saturday, February 20, 1847 Page: 2 of 4
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Universal
Dictionary
English
Language ; to which are added Walker's Key to the Pro-
nunciation1 .of Classical and Scripture proper Names, much
nlarg.ed and improved ; and a pronouncing Vocabulary of
odern Geographical names. By Joseph E. Worcester.
oston : Wilkins, Carter & Co. 1846.” 8vo. pp. 956.
We have been furnished by the agent of the pub-
lisher with a copy of this lexicon ; and, having ta-
ken time to examine with some exactness its plan
and execution, proceed to notice it, not with a view
to that which is so easily done, without care or con-
science, a puff such as might—but only for a mo-
ment—serve the author at the public expense, and
to the diminution of our own power to serve others
deserving well as writers, but justly and according
to its merit and usefulness.
First, then, as to its plan, we shall not magnify it
as if it were a performance rendering (as it cannot
pretend to do) all other English dictionaries super-
fluous. That has, we perceive, been lately done
by our brethren of the press, in regard to a book of
like, but (we believe) still more limited design and
bulk, Reid’s New Dictionary of the English Lan-
guage. Nay, Cobb’s Expositor, or any other
small compilation for schools—the Lady's Pocket
Lexicon, the Young Gentleman’s Companion, or
other equally learned philological productions for
the benefit of folks that never learned to spell—all
those vocabularies, and the many grammars, in
short, that Dogberry might comprehend, and with
which Jack Cade, in his utmost enmity to letters,
would have little occasion for quarrel, may have
been exalted, on the same principles of useless
praise, as a quid pro quo for a book of small ac-
count. But we drive not this idle commerce with
publishers, and are less willing to part with our
ability to aid, by discriminated commendation, wri-
ters that really deserve public favor. Indeed, we
receive from publishers but too many volumes of
which the mere reading (were it possible) would be
an exorbitant price to pay for them, without the fur-
ther fine of being obliged to praise. The only pos-
sibility of extolling such is that one should take
eare not to have looked into them; and that, we
are compelled to conclude, is largely the practice of
our present critics, who are certainly the best-na-
tured body of people whose heads the Muses ever
used to weigh, in equal scales, the heaviness of au-
thors. Not exactly are these remarks what (in
another line politics) a late reign was, or the pre-
sent will be said to be—a parenthesis. But we pro-
ceed.
A book may have great merit within its particu-
lar scope ; but one must not, for that, lavish enco-
mium upon it, as if it superseded all others of
its kind. Some may be designed for a common
utility ; others, for exacter and more learned refer-
ence ; and he who aims at this or at that, must re-
nounce the other; for, to attempt to be at once
popular and erudite ensures failure in both. In lex-
icography, for instance, one must choose between a
work the most useful for common purposes and the
voluminous plan of Johnson or of Richardson, use-
ful only for much higher ends. Worcester’s, then,
is a book highly complete for all the popular uses ;
the best, we think, for common purposes, that has
appeared, and a great improvement upon Walker,
Todd’s abridgment ol Johnson, or the like; but
still, not aspiring to hold the place of the greater
and more literary collections needed by those who
wish not merely the vocabulary of our language,
but its most refined forms. For, in all cultivated
tongues, two sorts of dictionaries are necessary :
one that shall embrace all the actual words in use,
and exhibit their ordinary signification, sound, and
perhaps origin ; the other, the purer dialect, as ex-
isting in the works of the best writers. The for-
mer should be a manual for those who, not culti-
vating the beauties of speech, have yet constant oc-
casion to understand what they read or hear ; the
other should be a collection of examples out of all
the best authors, such as may display the whole his-
tory of each word, and serve almost instead of a crit-
* ical reading of the entire literature of one’s language.
That should furnish speech in what may be called
its civic, ordinary, social forms, as the mechanical
vehicle of human intercourse ; this must give it al-
most entirely as the elevated instrument of the art of
literary composition. For the former purpose, a
dictionary should embrace all words, proper or im-
proper, that are current; and, that it may be com-
plete and more convenient as an interpreter, it may
embody the technical terms of the several arts and
sciences, which one is likely occasionally to meet.
Its body of words, however, must, exclusively of
technical terms, be much larger than that contained
in the dictionary of the purer speech ; and for this,
as well as other reasons, (cheapness, facility of refer-
ence, &c.) it must be compendious and simple ; so
that while, in the literary vocabulary, it is quite suf-
ficient to give examples of the best use of words,
and let the several contents in which they are cited
explain their meaning, (the most perfect way of ar-
riving at it,) in the ordinary dictionary, on the con-
trary, definitions and synonymes must be employed,
as easier and briefer, if less exact methods of in-
terpretation.
From all that we have said* it would follow that
one of these two sorts of lexicons should be the com-
plement of the other; and folks will therefore ask
why they should not be united ? In effect Noah
Webster has united them; and, like examples of
mistaken lexicography, though less exaggerated, are
found in other languages. Alberti in Italian, Boiste
in French, have attempted to combine the popular
with the literary dictionary ; but the only result, in
either instance, is a book too cumbersome, dear, and
comprehensive for the use of the unlearned, and too
impure, of too low a standard, for the literary. In-
deed, one of the chief purposes of a correct lexi-
con is to ascertain and present only the legitimate,
cultivated, pure dialect, fix its usages and words, and
keep without its pale all false locutions, and all
terms unauthorized by good example. For what
end should we, when already possessing equiva-
lent expressions that are elegant, introduce vulgar-
isms or jargon into our tongue? Many such are,
in this country, claiming admission, not out of any
real need of them, any poverty of our dialect, but
merely out of the ignorance of the speaker, and his,
not our tongue’s, indigence. To yield to this igno-
rance, and to allow, for its convenience, a multipli-
cation of terms at once unsanctioned and unneces-
sary, is only to make a concession to-day which will
make^ a double concession necessary to-morrow;
for, if neologisms and vulgarisms are to be adopted
in proportion as men are ignorant of the good
words and expressions which our language can em-
ploy, to add to it for their accommodation is only to
increase the quantity of what such as they will not
learn. What would be more absurd than to think
of helping people to learn Greek byjumblinginthe
same column all eras and forms of its speech, and
hashing into the same dish the attic refinement with
every barbarism to be found in Du Cange’s Glossa-
ry ? Or shall we take Facciolati’s almost perfect
dictionary, and, to mend it, add all the dog-latin that
urchins ever gabbled, or that ’poticaries or pettifog-
gers ever sputtered ?
Such considerations, in the main, seem to have
directed the plan of Mr. Worcester, which discov-
ers every where, and especially i„ the copious pre-
liminary and auxiliary matter which it embodies,
the skilful and judicious philologist. Of these sub-
sidiary parts of his performance, we cannot do bet-
ter than to give an outline, in order to convey a
general notion of the care bestowed on his book.
A preface of four pages gives a sketch of his
plan and of the sources on which he has drawn.
An introduction of near sixty pages follows, in
which he lays down, 1st, his principles of pronun-
ciation ; 2d, a key to the signs of sound which he
uses : 3d, rules of orthoepy; 4th, orthography,
with a table of words of unsettled spelling ; 5th,
English Grammar, with a list of words requiring a
particular preposition ; 6th, origin, formation, and
etymology of our tongue ; 7th, Archaisms, provin-
cialisms, and Americanisms ; 8th, history of Eng-
lish lexicography, with an excellent catalogue of
the dictionaries, of almost every sort. Subjoined
to his glossary itself is a complete republication of
Walker’s key to the pronunciation of classical and
Hebrew names. This, enlarged and improved, em-
braces the principles of Greek, Latin, and Hebrew
sound of words, with observations on the laws of
accent and quantity in the two former. Then fol-
lows a table of modern geographical words and
their sound, with rules. These subsidiary portions
cover above 100 pp.
On the whole, then, we think that few will be
able to examine this work without preferring it to
any other of the sort now existing.
LINES
Suggested by the appearance of Mr. Adams in the
Hall of Representatives after a long and severe
illness, the members rising to receive him,.
“ Rise up before the hoary head and honor the face of the
old man. ”•—Scripture.
“ Rise tjp !” ye men of fewer years,
Before that ancient man,
And welcome in your midst again
The honored of his clan !
Who, like a sunbeam in your Hall
Shedding its latest ray,
Leaves a more calm serener glow
i As daylight fades away.
Gaze on him there, while yet you may,
Statesmen of fresher fame !
What would you give to gain the praise
That gilds that patriarch’s name ?
See ! round his brow a civic wreath
Is beautifully twined,
While through his life there threads a stream
Of virtues well combined.
Rise, then, ye men of younger fame !
“ Rise !” grasp that patriot’s hand,
And cherish him while yet you may,
That Ancient of your band !
Washington, February 16, 1847. M. W.
WASTED, a SITUATION as TEACHER, by a gra-
YY duate of a respectable college in Great Britain, who
can produce the most ample recommendations from trustees of
academies and private families in the United States for mo-
rality and ability to instruct in .the Latin, Greek, and English
languages, and in all the branches of a thorough English edu-
cation, including the mathematics necessary for admission to
the American colleges. Letters addressed to A. B., at Fred-
ericksburg, Va., will be immediately attended to.
feb 16—ep3t
LEC TURES on the USES OF THE LUNGS ; causes,
prevention, and cure of consumption ; asthma, and diseases of
the heart 5 on the laws of longevity, and mode of preserving
male find female health, symmetry, and beauty ; exposing
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kidneys, liver, scrofula, piles, gravel, and female complaints.
Its rules—easy, practical, and pure—form a guide to perfect
health and long life. 28 engravings, 324 pages. 50 cents.
Postage 94 cents. By Samuel Sheldon Fitch, A.M., M.D.,
at 707 Broadway, New York.
Any person remitting fifty cents, free, will receive one copy,
by mail, to any part. The trade supplied. jan 18—wlycit
NEW TEA AGENCY.
THE OLE ESTABLISHED PEKIN TEA COM-
JL PAN Y, JYo. 24 fate 30) South Second street, Phila-
delphia, Importers of Green and Black Teas, invite the atten-
tion of country merchants, housekeepers, hotels and city deal-
ers, to their stock ot superior and choice Teas, selected by
their Agent in Canton, and by themselves from the best New
York and Boston importations.
Others having lately assumed our name, and imitated our
signs and circulars, we inform the public that we are the Ori-
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porters of Teas, having no connexion with any other Company
bearing our name. •
The Teas sold by this Company have been too long and
widely known to need any other recommendation than their
good qualities, of which we have the most flattering evidence
in the constantly increasing demand.
Mr. SYLVANUS HOLMES, Grocer, Agent for Wash-
ington, Seventh street, opposite the Patriotic Bank, at the sisjn
of the Pekin Tea Company.
Catalogue of Teas imported expressly for family use by the
Pekin Tea Company, 24 South Second street.
Green Teas.
Hyson Skin, Old Hyson, Young Hyson
Curious Young Hyson, Silver Leaf Young Hyson
Extra fine Young Hyson, Golden chop Young Hyson
Imperial, fine Imperial, extra fine Imperial
Gunpowder, fine Gunpowder
Extra fine Gunpowder.
Black Teas.
Ning Yong Pouchong
Do Souchong
Oolong do
Rose flavored Souchong, imported and for sale only by
tkis Company
Chulan Pouchong, extra fine Oolong
“ Old E. I. Company” Factory Teas, sold only by this
Company
Houqua’s Mixture, unequalled, Ne Plus Ultra
Congo, or English Breakfast Tea, very choice
Orange Pekoe, Pekoe Flowers.
With a large assortment of other Teas suitable for country
trade or city retailers, to whom a very liberal discount will be
allowed.
Our long and well known experience in»the tea trade, with
the great facilities we command, enables us to offer our Teas
at very reduced prices. Housekeepers and others will find it
to their interest to give our Teas a trial. The money -wilt be
returned if the Teas do not give entire satisfaction.
Orders from a distance will be promptly and judiciously
filled, to give perfect satisfaction. All our agents are autho-
rized to receive orders. feb 19—d3w
| IJLITARY AND NiVAL OFFICIAL LETTERS
Ml. OF the LAST WAR, compiled in 1823 by John
Brannan, 1 volume octavo, with additional letters and docu-
ments, elucidating the history of that period. For sale, a few
copies only, being the last of the edition, by
feb 20 F. TAYLOR.
TNARBY’S GAZETEEK, Cheap.—Latest edition, en-
I / larged, 1 large octavo volume, 988 closely-printed pages,
full bound in 1 ather ; price $1.25, published at $5. For sale,
a few copies only, by
feb 20 ' F. TAYLOR.
N
EGROES WANTED.—Five or six Boys, from 16 to
25 years old, field hands, by a North Carolina Farmer
now in this city, for which the highest cash prices will be paid.
Applications, slating age, weight, and price, made through
the Post Office to A. Y. will receive prompt attention,
feb 20—3t
MAGNIFICENT LOTTERIES.
To he drawn iu March, under the management of
D. PAINE & CO.
Contractors and Managers of all Maryland Lotteries.
These Lotteries are authorized by the Legislature of Mary-
land, and all schemes are approved by the Commissioners of
Lotteries and drawn under their superintendence. No other
tickets are legal in the State.
« 35,000 Dollars.
SUSQUEHANNA CANAL LOTTERY, Class 14,
To be drawn in Baltimore, March 3.
BRILLIANT SCHEME.
do.
do.
20 prizes of...
... 10,000
20 prizes of...
20 do......
20 do......
he. &c. he.
Tickets $10—Halves $5—Quarters $2 50.
Certificates of packages of 25 whole tickets $130
Do do 25 half do 65
Do do 25 quarter do 32 50
SUSQUEHANNA CANAL LOTTERY, Class 15,
To be drawn March 10.
CAPITALS.
$30,000, $10,000, $8,000, $5,000,
200 of $500, &c.
Tickets $10—Halves $5—Quarters $2 50.
Certificate <5125 wholes $120. Shares in proportion.
SUSQUEHANNA CANAL LOTTERY, Class 16,
To be drawn March 16.
GRAND SCHEME.
1 prize of.......$30,000
1 prize of.........$3,000
1 do.........10,000 100 do.............1,000
1 do..........8,000 100 do............. 500
1 do..........4,000 &c. &c.
Tickets $10—Halves $5—Quarters $2.50.
Certificate of a package of 26 whole tickets $130.
Do do 26 half do 65.
Do do 26 quarter do 32 50
Sfr All orders promptly and faithfully attended to, and
drawing forwarded as soon as over. Address
D. PAINE CO., Managers,
feb 20—2aw3wd&cp Baltimore.
CONGRESSIONAL.
IN SENATE.
The Army Bill being under consideration, and the pend-
ing question being on the following amendment, submitted by
Mr. Atchison, viz :
“Strikeout the first five sections, and insert: That the
President of the United States be and he is hereby authorized
to accept the services of ten regiments ot volunteers, to serve
during the continuance of the present war with Mexico, unless
sooner discharged, who shall be raised, organized, commis-
sioned, and paid in the same manner, and under the same re-
gulations as are prescribed in the act providing for the raising
of fifty thousand volunteers, approved the 13th May, 1846.”
Mr. ATCHISON rose and said he would not detain the
Senate very long with the remarks which he desired to make
iu relation to this bill. He could not avoid observing that
some degree of ill-feeling had been manifested ever since this
bill was reported by the Committee on Military Affairs, and
that some covert accusations of bad faith had been made
against those who were desirous of affording every facility for
the passage of the bill, upon the presumption that because
they were endeavoring to amend the bill, and to make it more
conformable to the views which they entertained, they were
disposed to obstruct its passage. This had been the case not
only in relation to this bill, but to all those other measures
which in any degree related to the war with Mexico. But
Senators on all sides would bear him witness that he had,
neither on this nor on any former occasion, given the least
evidence of a disposition to obstruct or delay the passage of
any measure whatever connected with this subject.
The question now presented for the consideration of the
Senate was, whether they would authorize an increase of the
regular army to the extent of ten regiments, consisting of
about 10,000 men, making the forces to be employed in this
war entirely of one description, or whether they would pro-
ceed to prosecute the war in the manner in which it had been
carried on hitherto, by a mixed force of volunteers and regu-
lars ? And first, he would observe, that should a change in
this respect be made, it would be an acknowledgment that
thus far they had been in error. Before making such change,
therefore, they ought to be well satisfied that they had been
in error in following the course which they had thus far pur-
sued, and that a better plan could be adopted. The amend-
ment which he had the honor to propose presented this issue,
and it was an important, a material issue in point of princi-
ple, though not very material perhaps in point of practical
effect, provided the regulars could be raised as expeditiously
as volunteers.
The amendment proposed to authorize the President to call
into service 10,000 volunteers, to serve during the war with
Mexico, the very same number of men as was proposed to be
raised by the bill, and for precisely the same period of ser-
vice. The first bill that was passed in relation to this war—
the bill recognising the existence of the war—passed both
Houses of Congress within twenty four hours after the Pre-
sident had submitted his message upon that subject: and the
same bill which recognised the existence of the war autho-
rized the President to call out 50,000 volunteers, and placed
at his disposal $10,0(10,000 for carrying on the war. All
that was asked for was granted, and that promptly. An in-
crease of the regular army, amounting to more than a hun-
dred per cent, of the force of which that army consisted, was
authorized shortly afterwards. The regular army at that time
consisted of about 7,000 or 8,000 men, and the bill which au-
thorized the companies to be filled required the enlistment of
some 8,000 or 9,000 men. What had been the result in re-
gard to these enlistments ? What progress had been made
in filling up the ranks of the regular army ? The Adjutant
General, in his report to the Secretary of War, said that there
was still a deficiency, notwithstanding every exertion had
been made to fill up the ranks, of about 7,000 men. But it
appeared that no difficulty had been experienced in procuring
volunteers, clearly showing that under the one system they
could bring any number of men into the field that was re-
quired, while under the other they could not. In the one
case all that were called for were promptly obtained, and in
the other they were not able in the course of a whole year to
obtain half the number they desired.
It was admitted on all hands that it was the duty of Con-
gress to furnish the Executive, to whom the conduct of the
war constitutionally belonged, with the necessary means for
carrying it on, and for enabling him to bring it to a speedy,
honorable, and satisfactory termination. They had already
passed several important acts bearing upon this subject, and
yesterday or this morning they had passed a bill appropriating
$23,000,000, the amount asked for by the President, for the
further prosecution of the war ; which bill, (though there
were great complaints on the other side of the chamber of a
want of time for an examination of its details,) became a law,
so far as the Senate was concerned, in three days after it came
from the House ot Representatives. This promptness on the
part of Congress to pass the necessary measures for the pro-
secution of the war proved that there was no disposition to
hinder or tnwart the plans of the President in relation to the
war. As far as he was himself concerned, he was certainly
not subject to any such imputation as that of wishing to de-
lay or retard the movements of the Executive in the prosecu-
tion of this war. It did not imply any such disposition on
his part that be was disposed to inquire what description of
troops, whether volunteers or regulars, was preferable. The
volunteers they had seen had promptly, patriotically, and
gloriously responded to their country’s call, while the progress
of the enlistment of regular soldiers had been extremely tardy.
The question now was, whether they would attempt to in-
crease the standing army to the extent required, or whether
they would go on in the prosecution of this war as they had
commenced, with volunteer troops ? The question which na-
turally arose here was, were these men wanted immediate-
ly ? If so, could they raise the ten regiments of regular
troops as promptly as they could an equal amount of volun-
teer forces ? That was the question, and a very important one
it was. The experience which they had had on this subject
showed them conclusively that to raise the number of men
called for by this bill would require two years at least, while,
judging from what had already taken place, volunteers to the
amount required could be obtained at once.
The next thing to be considered was, which of the two
descriptions of forces would be the most efficient ? Which
of them, supposing them ready to take the field, would per-
form the better service ? It would not be contended by him
that irregular undisciplined troops were as reliable as regular
well-disciplined soldiers, but when either description of troops
for the first time enrol themselves, they were equally undis-
ciplined, and the process of preparing them for service was
then to commence. The morals and intelligence of the men
being equal, and the skill and care of the officers being equal,
at the end of twelve months the discipline and efficiency of
the two descriptions ol troops would be the same. The term
"of service proposed for the regular soldiers, to be enlisted under
this bill, was the same as that proposed for the volunteers,
during the war. In this respect, therefore, they stood
upon an equal footing. And this brought him to a considera-
tion of one of the objections of the Secretary of War, or ra-
ther one of his reasons for preferring regular soldiers to volun-
teers ; which was, that they were more expensive to the Go-
vernment. This he was not prepared to admit. He would
submit to any gentleman present whether volunteers could not
be transported from anf’point in the United States to the field
of military operations in Mexico as cheaply as regular sol-
diers. He would ask if their rations cost any more—if their
clothing cost more than those of the regular soldiers ? He
thought that such arguments were not sufficient to induce
them to change the kind of troops with which they were pro-
secuting this war. One moment’s reflection would satisfy
any Senator that such reasons must fall to the ground. He
admitted that in case the services of volunteers were accepted
for twelve months only, as had been the case in the last war,
and that at the end of twelve months the forces would have
to be renewed, the expense attending their frequent transpor-
tation would be enormously increased ; but the amendment
which he had proposed obviated this objection. And it was
his opinion that volunteers were better material for soldiers;
for certainly their intellect must be equal to that of the en-
listed soldier, and their skill and efficiency would therefore be
equal to those of the regular soldiers, while their ardor and
enthusiasm in the service of their country would be decidedly
superior. The number of desertions, it was well known,
was greater from the regular army than from the ranks of the
volunteers; of this fact he could produce satisfactory proof.
The number of desertions from the regular army during the
months of May, June, and July amounted to three hundred
and sixty-one—though he believed he might safely say that
two-thirds of these were foreigners—and this out of an army
not exceeding 8,000 men; while out of 20,000 volunteers
there had been a less number of desertions. This proved
that volunteers, in this point of view at least, were the best
material For soldiers. But admit that they were equal, that
their moral and intellectual capacities were equal, coming into
the service at the same time, and serving for the same length
of time, and their officers being equal in intelligence and in
military skill, then he would ask would not the volunteer sol-
dier, at the end of twelve months or two years, or at the end
of the war, after an indefinite period of time, be as well dis-
ciplined and as well qualified to discharge the duties of a sol-
dier, both in the camp and in the field, as regulars could be ?
Gentlemen might answer him by saying that the officers of
the two descriptions of forces would be different; that the
officers to be appointed by the President would be better qua-
lified to command than the volunteer officers appointed under
the State laws. Upon this he took issue, and he would call
upon his honorable friends, the Senators from Indiana, Illi-
nois, and Mississippi, to say whether the officers appointed to
command the troops raised in those States were not equal in
point of intellect, of moral character,. and military skill to
those who were appointed by the President to command the
regiment of mounted riflemen ? This question was raised by
the distinguished Senator from Michigan incidentally when
he addressed the Senate upon this bill the other day. The
President, in the words of the honorable Senator, would say
to A. B. go and raise a regiment, and you shall have a col-
onel’s commission. A. B. will go and say to some ten gen-
tlemen, raise a company each, and you shall be captains; and
to other gentlemen, assist in the good work, and you shall be
lieutenants. Now, he would ask, were those gentlemen thus
selected likely to be more intelligent, to be of better moral cha-
racter, or to have more military skill or more courage, than
the same number of men appointed under the State laws ?
He thought not. And it would be recollected that from the
moment these troops were mustered into the service, they
were subject to the same laws, regulations, and restraints as
the regulars were. The volunteer officers would have the
same power to enforce obedience that the officers of the regu-
lar army had, and they would have the same motive to exer-
cise that power. This would not perhaps be the case, how-
ever, if the service was to terminate in six or even twelve
months ; but when it was to last for an indefinite time, he
apprehended it would be the same.
He thought it would be admitted by all that if they obtain-
ed the residue of regular soldiers that were already authoriz-
ed to be enlisted, they would have done all that could have
been reasonably expected. He trusted that the war would be
concluded before twelve months expired ; and even if it were
extended to two years, it would then be brought to a close
before the ten regiments, together with those still required
under the former bill, could be recruited. If the plan sug-
gested by the Senator from Michigan should be adopted, the
men might be raised, (though this he doubted ;) but would
not all the objections which applied to volunteers apply to his
plan ? If a captain recruited a company, it would be in his
own neighborhood among his friends and acquaintances ; so
with the lieutenants ; the men would enlist with them because
they knew them, and would expect more favor and less re-
straint from them than from a stranger; and would not the
officer on his part be desirous of obtaining the good will of
his soldiers by the very same means which the volunteer offi-
cer would use, and for the same end ? Therefore, if the men
were raised in this way, they would be liable to all the objec-
tions to which volunteers officered by their respective States
were liable.
There was one other argument used by those who were in
favor of the original bill, and that was, that the President and
the Secretary of War had recommended it. He believed he
was as good a friend of this Administration as any that it had.
He had used every possible exertion to bring it into power,
yet it was no argument with him to induce him to vote for a
measure in a particular form to say that the President or the
Secretary of War required it. If the case were a doubtful
one ; if he were in doubt as to which proposition was prefera-
ble, this reason would induce him to vote for the bill; for as
a matter of course the Secretary of War must be supposed to
have better means of judging of this matter than he had;
but the Secretary had given him no satisfactory reasons for
this particular description of force, nor had he heard such rea-
sons from any other quarter.
It had been said that the Mexican Congress had required
the President of that Republic to swear that he would not
make peace with us whilst there was an enemy upon Mexican
soil or an American war ship upon the Mexican coast. This
being the case, there were but two ways of ending this war :
one was to prosecute it until the Mexican people should feel
its effects in every portion of their territory, from the frontiers
to the capital; the other method was, to withdraw our troops,
not only to the east of the Rio Grande, but to the east bank of
the Sabine, and to withdraw our ships from the Gulf. To
this plan ofendingthewarhe was decidedly opposed. The plan
suggested by Gen. Taylor would not do ; which was, to keep
our ships upon her coast whilst our army acted on the defen-
sive, holding possession of New Mexico, California, Chihua-
huR, New Leon, and from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific.
It seemed to him, though he had not much skill in such mat-
ters, that it would require as many if not more troops to hold
all that part of the country than it would to take the city of
Mexico, and that under that mode of operation the war would
be interminable.
Would it not be doing violence in some measure to the
pride of our patriotic citizens who had so promptly come for-
ward and volunteered their services, not for twelve months
only, nor for five years, but during the war, an indefinite pe-
riod ? Would it not be casting censure upon our gallant volun-
teers nowin the service to pass such a bill as this > Would it
not be depreciating their services ? Would it not be saying to
them that regular soldiers were deemed to be more efficient ?
If the testimony of the President of the United States was
worth any thing ; if the testimony of our Secretary of War
was worth any thing, to show that our volunteer troops had
done all that had been expected of them, all that it was neces-
sary for them to do, they had that testimony. The President
alluded to the subject, parenthetically, in his message. [Mr.
Atchison here quoted from the message.]
Here was the testimony which the President bore to the dis-
cipline and good conduct of the citizen soldiers in this war.
What higher testimony could they desire in favor of the effi-
ciency of the volunteers ? Then why change the system ;
why reverse the plan which they had so far pursued ? It
seemed to him there was no good reason for doing so.
He had suggested on a former occasion, in a few remarks
which he had made, and which he did not intend to repeat,
that, if they should increase the regular army by adding ten
regiments, it would be fastened upon the country to all time.
There was, he thought, great reason to apprehend that this
would be the case. But this could not be the case in refer-
ence to the volunteers. Their term of service being expired
they would be disbanded, and would immediately return to
their homes, gladly resigning the toils of war and resuming
those peaceful occupations which they had abandoned at their
country’s call. It had been said by the Senator from Texas—
it had been stated in various quarters, and he supposed the
recoids of the War Department would show—that there had
been applications from about three hundred thousand volun-
teers for permission to enter the service, and they knew that a
great number of these were already organized, and had, ever
since the declaration of war, been anxiously looking forward
to the time when they should be called into service. Pass this
bill, and say to them that unless they enter the regular army
their services could not be accepted, and what would be the
result ? Would they be likely to obtain them ? Decidedly
not. The feeling of pride and of emulation which had
prompted these men to come forward as volunteers would find
no encouragement in this proposal.
He was disposed to vote for any number of volunteers that
might be deemed necessary, and he was willing to vote ail
necessasy supplies of money, and if necessary to impose taxes
for the purpose of raising that money. He had already con-
sumed more time than he had intended, and he should not
have said a word on the subject were it not that it might be
supposed, from the amendment he had offered, that he was
arrayed against the proposition which had been submitted by
the Executive. He had deemed it necessary, therefore, to
say this much in. order to show what his views were upon the
subject, and the reasons why he had submitted the amend-
ment. And there was still another reason, which was this :
let this bill be adopted, and the system established of carrying
on the war by regular troops alone, and they would preclude
the people of Missouri from any further participation in it;
and not only the people of Missouri, but he would venture to
say of Mississippi, Indiana, andOhio. No one in those States
would be willing to enlist, so that it would be virtually an
exclusion of that portion of the people from any further par-
ticipation in the war.
TdST ARRIVED, by Greene Sc Co.’s Express, in ten
fdays from the Western Prairies, a splendid lot of Grouse,
or Prairie Birds, for sale. Inquire at Mrs. Beeler’s boarding-
house, C street. feb 20—3t
Y" AMIRETH’S GARDEN SEED. WAKRAM Uli
j[j OF THE GROWTH OF 18IB—The subscriber,
desirous ol supplying his customers with such Garden Seed as
are known to be fresh and genuine, offers for sale a large and
very complete assortment grown by Landreth, of Philadelphia,
which he warrants to vegetate if properly managed. The im-
portance of securing good seed is admitted by all, and the sub-
scriber feels confident that those obtaining their supplies from
him this season will be induced to confine their future pur-
chases exclusively to his establishment.
FIT Z HUGH COYLE,
General Commission and Agricultural Warehouse,
Near the corner of 8th street and Pennsylvania avenue.
Orders for Fruit and Ornamental Trees filled at the shortest
notice. feb 20—3taw4w
Y)ENNSYLVANIaTcLOVER SEEI)‘ AND PEKLU
I Y IAN GUANO.—T he subscriber has just received
one hundred and fifty bushels of prime new Pennsylvania Clo-
ver Seed, to which he invites the attention of purchasers.
Also, a large supply of genuine Peruvian Guano, which will
be sold at Baltimore cash prices.
Daily expected to arrive, two thousand five hundred bushels
of Bone Dust.
Farmers and others are invited to call and examine his
stock ot Field and Garden Seed, also his assortment of Agri-
cultural Implements. F1TZHUGH COYLE,
General Commission and Agricultural Warehouse,
Near the corner of 8th street and Pennsylvania avenue.
feb 20—3taw4w
MAMMOTH LOTTERY FOR MARCH,
To be drawn in the city of Baltimore ,/flarch 31, 1847,
By authority of the Legislature of Maryland, for the
SUSQUEHANNA CANAL—Class No. 18.
D. PAINE & CO.
Manage
$50,000 Capital!
100 prizes of $1,500............is...........
100 do of 1,000............is........
Lowest three-number prize $1,000.
GRAND SCHEME.
.$150,000
. 100,000
do.
do.
do.
do.
$50,000
1 prize of.
4 prizes of.
4 do ...
4 do ....
loO do ...
100 do ....
.$2,500
.1,800
.1,750
.1,500
Besides a large number of $200, $100, &c.
Tickets $15—Halves $7 50—Quarters $3 75.
Certificate of a package of 26 whole tickets $220 00
Do do of 26 half do 110 00
Do do of 26 quarter do 55 00
Do do of 26 eighths do 27 50
55s" All orders for tickets, shares, or packages, will be
promptly attended to, and the official drawing certified to by
the State Commissioners forwarded to all who order.
Address D. PAINE h CO., Managers,
feb 20—2aw3wd&c Baltimore, Maryland.
TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS.
SECOND SESSION.
Friday, February 19, 1847.
IN SENATE.
Mr. CILLEY presented the preamble and resolutions of
the Legislature of New Hampshire, declaring their determi-
nation to use every effort, consistent with the Constitution of
the United States, for the extermination of slavery.
Also, from the same source, for the extinction of slavery in
the District of Columbia ; its exclusion from the Territory of
Oregon, and all other Territories which now are or hereafter
may belong to the United States ; and against the admission
of any new State that tolerates slavery.
The resolutions were read, and ordered to be printed.
Mr. MILLER presented resolutions of the Legislature
New Jersey, instructing the Senators to vote for a provision
prohibiting slavery from any territory that now is or may be
acquired.
The following petitions and memorials were received and
appropriately referred :
By Mr. GILLEY : From citizens of Burlington, New
Hampshire, asking that measures may be adopted to put an
end to the war with Mexico.
By Mr. CAMERON : From citizens of Pennsylvania, ask-
ing such alteration of the constitution as will abolish slavery
throughout the Union.
REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES.
By Mr. ASHLEY, from the Committee on the Judiciary
An adverse report on the bill in relation to the District Courts
of the United States for the State of New York.
By Mr. BAGBY, from the Committee on Indian Affairs
An adverse report on the various memorials asking that the
Tonawanda band of Indians may be exempted from the treaty
made between the United States and the Seneca Indians;
wffiich he asked to have printed.
Mr. DICKINSON observed that this was a subject which
had excited much interest, and suggested that an additional
number of copies be printed.
Mr. BAGBY was understood to decline moving for an ex-
tra number, though he admitted that the report involved im-
portant principles, growing out of questions connected with
the treaty.
By Mr. DAVIS, from the Committee on Commerce : An
adverse report on the petition of Robert Dedrick.
Also, from the same committee, a report on the petition of
Ichabod Jordan, by resolution, directing the Secretary of the
Treasury to report his reasons for any modification of the laws
in relation to collectors.
By Mr. RUSK, from the Committee of Claims : A bill for
the relief of Ann B. Carr.
Also, from the same committee, a bill for the relief of Elisha
N. Keene.
Mr. CALHOUN’S RESOLUTIONS.
Mr. CALHOUN rose (he said) for the purpose of present-
ing certain resolutions in reference to the subject embraced in
the resolutions presented here from the Legislatures of some
of the States and in the proviso attached to the biil from the
House making an appropriation of three millions of dollars
for the purpose of bringing the war with Mexico to a conclu-
sion—the subject commonly designated as the extension of
slavery. What I propose (said Mr. C.) is, before I send
these resolutions to the table, to make a few explanatory re-
marks. It was,^Mr. President, solemnly asserted on this
floor, some time ago, that all paities in the non-slaveholding
States have come to a fixed and solemn determination upon
two points which are of the deepest interest to the slavehold-
ing States. One is, that there should be no further admis-
sion of any territory into this Union which permitted the ex-
istence of slavery ; and the other is, that slavery shall not
hereafter exist in any of the Territories of the United States ;
the effect of which will be, to give to the non-slaveholding
States the monopoly of the public domain, to the exclusion of
the slaveholding States. Since that declaration was made,
we have abundant proof that there was satisfactory ground for
its being made; for we have already received resolutions
solemnly passed by seven of the non-slaveholding States, one-
half of the number of the non-slaveholding States already in the
Union, Iowa not being counted, using the strongest possible
language to that effect; and no doubt, in progress of time, we
shall have similar resolutions from all the non-slaveholding
States. But we need not go beyond the walls of Congress
The subject has been agitated in the other House, and a bill
has been there brought up prohibiting the extension of slavery
(to use their own language) to any territory which may be
hereafter acquired by the United States ; and, at the same
time, two resolutions, which have been moved during the pre-
sent session, to extend the compromise line from the Rocky
Mountains to the Pacific, have been rejected by a decided
majority.
Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it
appears to me that it is high time that the slaveholding States
should inquire what is now their relative strength in this
Union, and what it will be if this determination should be
carried into effect. Already are we in a minority—I use the
word as it regards supremacy—already are we in a minority
in the other House, in the electoral college, and, I may
say, in every department of this Government except in the
present Senate of the United States. Here, for the present,
we have an equality, twenty-eight States voting, counting
Delaware, which is of doubtful character, on the side of the
non-slaveholding States ; but this equality of strength exists
only in this Senate. One of the clerks, at my request, gave
me a statement of what is the relative strength of the two de
scriptions of States in the other House of Congress and in
the electoral college. There are 228 Representatives, includ-
ing Iowa, which is already represented in that House ; of these
138 are from non slaveholding States, and 90 from slavehold
ing States, giving a majority in the aggregate of 48 votes to
the non-slaveholding States. In the electoral college there
are 168 votes belonging to the non-slaveholding States, and
118 to the slaveholding States, giving a majority of 50. We
have, Mr. President, at present, only one position under this
Government by which we can make any resistance to.this op-
pressive policy against the South, which the non-slaveholdiug
States manifests so strong a disposition to adopt. And they
are rapidly increasing in strength, and consequently their
power of carrying out this policy is rapidly increasing. Already
Iowa is a State. When she appears here there will be two
more Senators of the non-slaveholding division. At the next
session there will be two additional Senators from the new
State Wisconsin, making a majority of four on the side of
the non-slaveholding States. They will then carry every
branch of this Government at their will and pleasure. But,
sir, if this coercive policy upon us, this determination that
there should be no slaveholding States hereafter admitted into
the Union, and that slavery shall be entirely excluded from
every territory that we may possess—if this is to be the fixed
policy of the Government, I ask what will be our situation ?
Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fifteen of the largest
description of States in the territories now belonging to this
Government. Already a law has passed creating the State of
Wisconsin, and there is ample room for another north of Iowa,
and another north of that, and then in that region extending
to the Rocky Mountains, and lying between the forty-ninth
degree of north latitude and the Texan line, which may be
set down at about twelve and a half degrees of latitude, there
is territory capable of being divided into seven or eight large
States. There is territory enough that is already ours, with-
out reference to Mexico, to make twelve of the largest sized
States, which may be and will be shortly added. How will
we then stand ? There will be fourteen on the part of the slave-
holding States, and twenty-eight on the part of the non-slave-
holding States—-just double our number. And, with the same
disproportion in the House and in the electoral college, the
Government will be entirely in the hands of the non-slave-
holding States. They will have an overwhelming majority.
Sir, if this state of things is to go on, and the determination
solemnly made and avowed be persisted in, where shall we
stand as far as this Federal Government of ours is concerned ?
We must look to our rights ; we must look to our interests ;
we must have justice done us. We have no shield but the
constitution. Upon this we must rely, if upon any thing.
And I now put this solemn question—I put it to all sides of
the Senate, Are we not to be protected ? Sir, I look to the
constitution for protection. If we look at the operation of this
Government, we will see that, from the beginning of the
Government to the present day, as far as its pecuniary matters
are concerned, as far as the supply and disbursement of reve-
nue are involved, we have been that portion of the commu-
nity who have substantially supported the Government, and
without receiving any thing like a proportionate return.
But why should I go beyond this very measure itself—this de-
termination on the part of the non-slaveholding States that
there shall be no participation on the part of the slaveholding
States in the benefits to be derived from the possession of ter-
ritory ? Sir, what is the entire effect of this policy ? I will
not say with what design it is adopted. I will not say what
its causes are—whether it proceeds from blind fanaticism, whe-
ther from a hostile feeling of slavery honestly entertained by
men who are not fanatics, or whether it be the work of men
who have been looking for political power, and have agitated
this question as the mosl effectual mode of attaining their ob-
ject. But the effect ol the policy will be to monopolize the
powers and the patronage of this Government.
Now, I ask, is there a remedy ? Does the constitution
afford a remedy, and if not, is there any other > These, Mr.
President, are most solemn questions, not only to us, but let
me say to gentlemen from nonslaveholding States, to them.
Sir, the day on which the balance between the two sections
into which we are divided upon this question is destroyed, will
be a day not very far removed from political revolution, from
anarchy, from civil war. The balance of our system is in the
slaveholding States; they are the conservative power ; if they
are sustained the balance will be preserved, and for generations
to come this glorious Union may be upheld ; but if this policy
is to he carried out, and they are to be reduced to a mere hand-
ful, to become a mere ball to be bandied about, to be used for
the purpose of carrying out the views of parties in the presi-
dential contest—if this is to be the case, I say, wo, wo, to
the people of this country. Now I put the question in this
solemn form : Does the constitution afford any remedy ? Is
there any provision in it by which this aggressive policy, thus
boldly avowed, can be arrested ? Is such a policy, I ask, con-
sistent with the constitution ? No, sir. It is in all its features
deadly, decidedly,'opposed to it. What are those features ?
The twenty-eight States (the twenty-nine including Iowa)
might, like so many individuals, stand consolidated for their
mutual benefit. The constitution of the United States was
not made for mere individual prosperity ; it was intended for
the benefit of the whole mass of the people ; it had higher
aims than those of individual benefit; it intended that the
Stales constituting this Union should enjoy all the advantages,
natural and acquired, which they were entitled to enjoy, and
enjoy them with a greater security. The whole system was
formed upon principles of justice and equality, perfect equality,
between the various members of the Union. Now can this be
consistent with the policy which would make the public do-
mam a monopoly for the benefit of one portion of the Union,
which would place the power in one section of the Union ? Is
that the sort of policy that the constitution contemplated i
How do we stand in reference to the public domain ? It is
the common property of the States of this Union, and is called
the territory of the United States ; and what are the United
States but the several States united ? Sir, the territories are
the property of this Union collectively, and held jointly for
the common benefit of the whole ; and is it consistent with
justice, with equality, that one portion of the proprietors or
partners in this joint interest, outnumbering the other portion,
should oust them of this common property, should pass a law
which will proscribe the citizens of the other portion, and de-
prive them of the right of emigrating with their personal
property to the territory of the United States, just as perfectly
and freely as citizens of the non-slaveholding States may do ?
Shall this be considered to be consistent with our idea of com-
mon property, of property held jointly for the common benefit of
all? Would it be so considered in private life ? Certainly not. It
would be considered the most flagrant outrage in-the world.
Mr. President, not only is this branch of the subject clear,
but the other, which undertakes to say that no State or terri-
tory shall be admitted into this Union which by its constitu-
tion shall permit the existence of slavery, is clearly an out-
rage against the constitution. Sir, I hold it to be a funda-
mental principle in our political union that the people have a
right to establish what government they think proper for them-
selves ; that a State which is about to become a member of this
Union has a right to form its government as it pleases. In
order to be admitted into the Union there is but one qualifica-
tion demanded as to the form of its government; and that is,
that it shall be republican. Now, what is proposed ? It is
proposed, by a vague, indefinite, and most dangerous concep-
tion of liberty, to overrule this principle by which the people
are permitted to form their own government, with the sole
restriction that it shall be republican—a principle that is found-
ed in reason and justice—and to replace it by a system of co-
ercion, a system of dictation as to what particular institutions
shall be adopted. It was designed by the constitution that the
people forming themselves into a State should establish that
sort of government that was most agreeable to them, its form,
being republican ; and yet there are men professing such deli-
cate feelings on the subject of liberty, that they cannot possi-
bly bear an institution which, they erroneously contend, is
opposed to that liberty they so much admire. Their delfeate
sense of liberty is carried so far, that they are ready to strike
down what they are pleased to call slavery, in order to carry
out their fine-spun theory of the absolute right of individuals,
in all circumstances, to exercise the privileges of freemen.
Mr. President, the resolutions which I have prepared ex-
press in abstract terms these great truths. I propose to pre-
sent them to the Senate and to have a vote upon them ; and I
trust that no gentleman here will refuse a direct vote. I have
done this for tiiis purpose mainly, that, by a direct action of
the Senate, iye may know the exact state of things in refer-
ence to this great subject. It is due to our constituents that
we should insist, and I, for one, will insist, upon knowing
whether the States, in their aggregate capacity, are going to
constitute themselves the special guardians of the interests of
one portion of the Union ; and I hope for a clear expression
upon this point. Upon such expression much depends. In
the preservation of our institutions consists the only strength
that we can have ; the only position we can take that wfill up-
hold us with any thing like independence, that will afford us
any thing like a chance to maintain equality. Overrule these,
and we are nought; preserve them, and we shall ever be a re-
spectable portion of this Republic.
Sir, the compromise which was once made in regard to this
matter has been twice overruled. I have always regarded it
as at variance with the principles by which we ought to be
governed ; yet I was willing that it should be adhered to as
long as it answered the purpose for which it was created. I
was unwilling that it should be disturbed, because I regarded
it as having a beneficial influence so far as related to the pre-
vention of agitation. Abhorrent as it was to my feelings, I
was willing that it should be undisturbed, if it were permitted
to remain undisturbed by others ; but the resolution for the
extension of the line of compromise has been voted down in
the House by an overwhelming majority. Well, sir, I am
content. I see my way clearly under the constitution,
though I cannot under any compromise. A compromise is
but an act of Congress, which may be broken at any
time; it has no security or stability. But the constitution
is something far more solid. It is a rock upon which we can
stand ; it is a ground upon which we can meet our friends from
the non-slaveholding States, and vindicate our just rights.
Sir, I am done with compromises. I go back and stand
upon the constitution. But if the decision of this body shall
deny to us this high equal right, which in my opinion is as
clear as any which we may claim under our constitution—the
more clear because it is deduced from the entire body of the
instrument—it then becomes a question, not for me, but for
my constituents, and for the whole people of the non-slave-
holding Stales : it is a solemn and great question for them to
consider; and if the decision should be adverse at this time, I
trust and believe they will take it solemnly into consideration,
as I believe they ought to do. I give no advice, however; it
would be hazardous—it might be dangerous for me to do so.
I am speaking as an individual member of the South—one
who drew his first breath there—arid whose hopes and feelings
are centred there. A planter, a slaveholder—and none the
worse, I believe, for being a slaveholder—I say, for one, I
would rather meet any extremity on earth than give up one
inch of what belongs to us as a part of this great Confederacy.
Sir, the surrender of a right is nothing ; but to sit down
fh acknowledged inferiority, this it is that is galling ; this it
is that demands resistance. Sir, I have examined this ques-
tion largely, widely, deeply, and I think I can see what will
be the result if we do not stand up now in defence of our
privileges. The condition of Ireland, of Hindustan, and of
Jamaica, is blessed and happy in comparison with what will
be the condition of the Southern States if those privileges are
not preserved.
Mr. C. then sent to the Chair the following resolutions,
which were read by the Secretary :
Resolved, That the territories of the United States belong
to the several States composing this Union, and are held by
them as their joint and common property.
Resolved, That Congress, as the joint agent and represen-
ts ve of the States of tins Union, has no right to make any law
or to do any act whatever that shall directly, or by its effects,
make any discrimination between the States of this Union, by
which any of them shall he deprived of its full and equal right
in any territory of the* United States, acquired or to be ac-
quired.
Resolved, That the enactment of any law which should di-
rectly, or by its effects, deprive the citizens of any of the
States of this Union from emigrating with their property into
any of the territories of the United States, would make such
discrimination, and would therefore be a violation of the Con-
stitution and the rights of the States from which such citizens
emigrated, and in derogation of that perfect equality which be-
longs to them as members of this Union, and would tend di-
rectly to subvert the Union itself.
Resolved, That, as a fundamental principle in our political
creed, a people in forming a constitution have the uncondi-
tioned right to form and adopt the government which they may
think best calculated to secure their liberty, prosperity, and
happiness ; and that in conformity thereto no other condition
is imposed by the Federal Constitution on a Slate in order to
be admitted into this Union except that its Constitution shall
be republican, and that the imposition of any other by Con-
gress would* not only he in violation of the Constitution but in
direct conflict with the principle on which our political sys-
tem rests.
'I he resolutions having been read—
Mr. CALHOUN moved that they be printed, and express-
ed the hope that they would receive early attention, and a di-
rect vote on the part of the Senate.
Mr. BENTON. We have, Mr. President, some business
to do. There is something yet to be done to give effect to the
ten regiment bill, and there are other matters demanding our
attention. Now, if any body thinks that I am going to lay
aside the necessary business of the session for such a string of
abstractions as these, he is greatly mistaken.
Mr. CALHOUN. I am very sorry to hear that the Sena-
tor is opposed to abstractions of this kind, but 1 am glad that
he has given us notice of his opposition to them. The con-
stitution itself is an abstraction : all the great rules of life are
abstractions. The Declaration of Independence was made upon
an abstraction, and whenever I hear a man declare that he
is against abstract rules in cases of this kind, I am prepared to
understand what course he will take. Sir, I regret it exceed-
ingly. I calculated on the support of the Senator from Mis-
souri. I have moved these resolutions in good faith, under
the solemn conviction that it is due to the constitutency which
I represent, to the whole South, to the whole Union, that
a decision should be had in this matter. They may be taken
up to-morrow, or may be deferred until the army bill be com-
pleted. All I want is a decision, and I want that decision
d,
before the three million hill is decided upon.
Mr. BENTON, (with great emphasis.) I shall show my
own course when the time comes. I know what are abstrac-
tions and what are not. I am going on with the necessary
business of the session. I am not disposed to lay aside that
business, and to take up a firebrand to create a conflagration.
Mr. CALHOUN, (hastily.) The Senator misappreffinds
what I said. I expressed the hope that he would be found
ready to support-
Mr. BENTON, (interposing with much warmth.) Hq
will be found in the right place, sir.
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National Intelligencer. (Washington [D.C.]), Vol. 48, No. 6891, Ed. 1 Saturday, February 20, 1847, newspaper, February 20, 1847; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1007670/m1/2/?q=%22annex%22&rotate=270: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .