The Groom News (Groom, Tex.), Vol. 12, No. 30, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 23, 1937 Page: 2 of 8
eight pages : ill. ; page 23 x 16 in. Scanned from physical pages.View a full description of this newspaper.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
THE GROOM NEWS, GROOM, CARSON COUNTY, TEXAS
WHO'S NEWS
THIS WEEK...
By Lemuel F. Parton
XTEW YORK.—George Wingfield,
who has been rolling “snake
eyes” for the last seven or eight
years, is now making six or eight
straight passes. I
don’t know wheth-
er the news has
reached the East,
but the word from
lios Angeles is that he has regained
ownership of the Golden and River-
side hotels in Reno and is again
looking out from behind a tall stack
of blue chips.
The one-time buckaroo and faro
dealer who gained a fortune of
$50,000,000 and owned and operated
the sovereign state of Nevada for
quite a few years, quietly faded out
in 1933, told the court he was broke
and relinquished the state with a
sportsmanlike gesture. He implied
that the croupier had stood him on
tiis head. His friend, William H.
Crocker, had a mortgage of $800,-
D00 on his two hotels. He owned
mines and ranches all over the
state, in the somewhat metaphys-
ical way in which people owned
things then, but his equities came
to just a couple of white chips to be
tossed into the kitty. He did this
gracefully and started out to get an-
other stake, Senator Nixon of Ne-
vada told me how he got his start.
“He walked into my office,” said
the senator, “and tossed something
on my desk. It was a diamond
ring. I haven’t any idea how much
it was worth. He said he had locat-
ed a good-looking outbreak south of
Goldfield and wanted me to grub-
stake him on the ring.
“ T’m not running a hock shop,'
I said. ‘There’s a three-ball joint
around the corner.’
“He picked up the ring and start-
ed out. Before he got to the door,
a sudden hunch hit me like a mule
lack. I called him back and gave
liim $300 on the ring.”
i Wingfield had already staked his
«claim, and started a prospect hole.
.... . A little more dig-
iyixon Also ging, and there
Profited in was the Consoli-
Mine Venture datued m}ne> and
riches for both
Wingfield and Nixon. Also the start
•of Goldfield, a ghost town now, half-
huried in sand, but a roaring desert
metropolis for a few years. Wing-
field’s winning streak was on in
those days and it was only a few
months later that he broke the bank
at the Tonopah club.
He joined the Montezuma club,
got himself some nice store clothes,
polished up his grammar and moved
into circles of finance where the
house percentage is doubtless stiffer
than that of faro. But it seems that
he is beating even that.
P
* * *
> .
j A FRIEND of this writer, who
lived several years in Japan,
suggests that, if, by accident, For-
eign Minister Koki Hirota should
find himself dressed in spats and
pin-stripe trousers, but with an Ori-
ental robe instead of a morning
coat, he would find a middle way
and solve the dilemma of Japan’s
half feudal, half modern industrial
estate.
‘He hates his morning coat and
Wingfield
Again “in
the Money^*
striped pants,”
Jap Minister
Works Best in
Native Attire
said my friend.
“When he gets
home at night, he
never loses a min-
ute in getting into
Oriental clothes.
In the dress of an occidental diplo-
mat, he works like one, as wily as
the best of them, given to strategy
and trick reasoning. At home, in a
beautifully embroidered Japanese
gown, he reads Confucius, as a
pupil of the aged scholar, Mitsuru
Toyama. I cite this duality of mind
and dress merely as symbolic of the
Internal contending forces of Japan,
vestigeal feudalism and Twentieth
century industrial imperialism. In
a very literal sense, this dead cen-
ter of old and new epochs accounts
for much in current Japanese state-
craft that is bewildering to the mod-
ern mind.
“Hirota is not of the Samurai
caste,” he said, “but he stems from
romantic old Japan and goes only
part of the way with the Mitsuis and
Mitsubishi of the great industrial
dynasties who think they can shoot
their way through to a vast Asiatic
empire. In his youth, he was a
zealous leader of the ‘Zen’ sect,
tonsured Buddhists, whose gospel
was humility, pacifism and turning
the other cheek. Suddenly, he
•switched to the ‘Black Sea’ society,
.a fire-eating outfit of militarists and
jingoes.
iJTTE WAS a stone mason’s son,
apprenticed as a stone cut-
ter, and educated by the Geneyosha,
a fervid patriotic society, with ‘sim-
plicity’ for its
Stone Cutter motto. In his first
Now Shapes effort, he failed to
Jap Policies P.ass ^ examina-
r tions for entrance
to the Imperial university, but tried
<fcgain and was successful. He be-
gan as a government clerk, was ad-
vanced,^entered the diet and finally
the cabinet. He is an intelligent
man, keenly aware of the anomalies
and anachronisms of Japan’s poli-
tics and social structure.”
© Consolidated News Features.
WNU Service.
National Topics Interpreted
By WILLIAM BRUCKART
NATIONAL PRESS BLDG. WASHINGTON, D. C. M
Washington.—It always comes
about that when a nation or an in-
_ dividual acts with-
What a out thinking a
Mess! problem through
all of its angles,
there is a fine mess at the end.
There can be no surprise, therefore,
in the mess confronting this nation
over the policies and laws affecting
the relations between labor and cap-
ital. The condition probably consti-
tutes the worst mess of any we have
seen in the last five years—and the
end is not yet.
At the present time we find not
only bitter strife between the old es-
tablished American Federation of
Labor and the Committee for Indus-
trial Organization headed by John
L. Lewis; a national labor relations
board that cannot be described by
any stretch of the imagination as
being unbiased, and political lead-
ers from President Roosevelt down
the line are quite unable to deter-
mine what their position should be
between the warring factions of la-
bor. Meanwhile, we find employers
wholly unable to deal with either
faction successfully because of the
interference of the labor relations
board and the instability of respon-
sible officials.
The case in point and the incident
that brings the situation immedi-
ately before the American people
involves a comparatively small num-
ber of workers but it exposes all of
the fallacies that have been allowed
to become part of the law of the
land through the labor relations act
which was forced through congress
by Senator Wagner, New York New
Dealer, with Presidential support.
Let us review the picture:
Late in August, the United States
district court in Pennsylvania issued
a decree that the National Electric
Products corporation of Ambridge,
Pa., must sign a wage contract with
the International Brotherhood of
Electrical Workers, an organization
affiliated with the American Feder-
ation of Labor. The court ordered
the action as a result of difficulties
between the American Federation
of Labor and the United Electrical
Workers which is connected with the
Committee for Industrial Organiza-
tion. The manufacturing corpora-
tion had no alternative but to com-
ply with the court order. If it did
not do so, its officials faced jail sen-
tences for contempt.
Within a week thereafter, along
comes the national labor relations
board with a ruling that the manu-
facturing corporation must sign a
wage contract with the Committee
for Industrial Organization union or
be subjected to the penalties and
punishment provided in the Wagner
labor relations act. The board
took this position with full knowl-
edge of the federal court decree. It
went so far, even, as to say that
“the decree (of the court) is no bar
to the instant proceeding under the
national labor relations act or to
the making of an order by the board
under the terms of that act, that the
respondent shall cease and desist
from discriminating against the em-
ployees because they decline to join
the brotherhood.” In other words,
the board took the position that the
Wagner labor relations act was the
supreme law of the land and the
board, therefore, was the sole arbi-
ter regardless of the court action.
I do not know anything about the
merits of the workers’ claim that the
manufacturing company had mis-
treated workers, had fired men for
union activities or had engaged in
attempts to break up union organ-
ization. Those claims may be fully
justified; indeed, the chances are
that there was anti-union activity
on the part of the corporation and
that it should receive a legal kick
in the pants for these things. But
whatever that situation is, the
fact remains that the national labor
relations board consistently has
horned into every controversy and,
whether it means to be that way or
not, its actions have been favorable
to the Lewis Committee for Indus-
trial Organization.
Further, among the most extreme
of the New Dealers themselves, one
frequently hears the observation
that the labor relations board has
given no consideration at all to the
rights of the employer.
Of course, the board claims it is
acting under strict construction of
the law. Then it holds that con-
gress intended it to take the place
of the courts in deciding as between
labor groups. It is to be remem-
bered, however, that all members of
the board are appointees of Presi-
dent Roosevelt and the presumption
naturally follows that Mr. Roosevelt
must approve of the board’s poli-
cies. It is too much to suppose that
the board would act against the
wishes of the man who named its
individual members.
All of these facts make it appear
that instead of having a labor poli-
cy, we have on the statute books a
law that has led us straight into the
mess that I described at the begin-
ning of this discussion. I am won-
dering when it can be or will be
corrected. Superficially, the facts
of the labor relations board history
thus far make it appear that the
members of that board are aligned
with John L. Lewis and the tactics
he has employed. If they are, and
if President Roosevelt wants to pro-
tect trade unionism in this country,
it seems to me he ought to get rid
of the members of that board and
name commissioners who can be
fair between the two labor groups
whether they want to consider the
rights of those who pay the wages
or not.
* * •
On top of the situation I have de-
scribed comes a fresh outburst from
. , John L. Lewis in
Lewis the shape of a
Outburst threat against
those officially re-
sponsible for administration of fed-
eral affairs. In fact, few persons
could have heard the Lewis Labor
day radio speech without realizing
that the shaggy haired C. I. O. lead-
er was telling Mr. Roosevelt to re-
frain from placing any obstacle in
the C. I. O. pathway. Some com-
mentators went so far as to say
that Mr. Lewis had slapped the
President’s face in that speech.
It will be recalled how some time
ago the President told the newspa-
per correspondent in a press con-
ference that he was taking no sides
between the A. F. of L. and the C.
I. O. The expression he used was
a line from Shakespeare: “A plague
on both your houses.” I quote
Mr. Lewis’ reply to that remark:
“It ill behooves one who has
supped at labor’s table and who has
been sheltered in labor’s house to
curse with equal fervor and fine im-
partiality both labor and its adver-
saries when they become locked in
deadly embrace.”
Thus it becomes plain, I believe,
that Mr. Lewis is determined to go
forward with his labor problems in-
to the depths of politics. From his
$25,000 home in Alexandria, Va.,
Labor Leader Lewis directs the
hundreds of subordinates, the reds
and pinks, the whites and blacks,
from which he apparently expects
to develop a political organization
strong enough to control this nation.
* * •
President Roosevelt is on another
“inspection trip” of the nation. Be-
fore he left, he
President told the press that
on Tour he wanted to see
for himself what
the New Deal had accomplished, ex-
plaining that there would be a few
speeches, but that there would be
more “intake than outgo” on the
trip.
Washington political observers al-
most unanimously agreed, however,
that the inspection trip had a much
deeper purpose. They noted that
the President was visiting various
states from which there were mem-
bers of the United States senate who
had opposed the President’s plan to
increase the Supreme court by six
appointees of his own choosing.
Among these senators were Wheeler
of Montana, Burke of Nebraska,
Clark of Missouri, and O’Mahoney
of Wyoming. They noted further
that some representatives who had
been outspoken in opposition to the
court bill were privileged to have
the President visit their home dis-
tricts.
These political students arrived at
the conclusion I have mentioned de-
spite the declaration of Postmaster
General Farley who, as chairman
of the Democratic National commit-
tee, said that there would be no re-
prisals against senators and repre-
sentatives who had opposed the
court bill. Mr. Farley's promise of
no reprisals came, however, after
the now famous radio speech by
Senator Guffey of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Guffey is chairman of the Dem-
ocratic senatorial committee which
has the job of promoting election of
Democratic candidates for the sen-
ate. When he said, therefore, that
opponents of the court bill ought
to be defeated and listed the names
of a number of senators who should
not be re-elected, it does seem that
there may be a connection between
the Guffey speech and Mr. Roose-
velt’s inspection trip. Some com-
mentators have been uncouth
enough to assert that the inspection
trip by the President was for the
purpose of determining whether it
would be possible for the New Deal
to obtain destruction of those Demo-
crats who had disagreed with the
White House.
Aside from the court bill, it seems
entirely reasonable to suppose that
Mr. Roosevelt desires to gain knowl-
edge of the country’s general tem-
per. He has refrained from an-
nouncing whether he will call a spe-
cial session of congress this fall to
take up agricultural legislation, say-
ing only that he will decide later.
Secretary Wallace is very anxious
that this shall happen. Officials of
his department have been traveling
by plane, train and motor through
the country during the last two
months in an effort to build up sen-
timent for the secretary’s kind of
farm legislation. They have been
making these trips at taxpayers’ ex-
pense, too.
© Western Newspaper Union.
When King George Received
the Big News from America
Samuel Morse, inventor of the
electric telegraph, had only one
ambition as a young man and that
was to become an artist. He stud-
ied under Washington Allston,
then the greatest painter in the
United States, and with Allston
went to London in 1811. There he
met Benjamin West who, although
an American, was president of the
Royal academy, and a great fa-
vorite with the king, who later
made him Sir Benjamin West.
West was actually at work on a
portrait of the king when the lat-
ter was handed the Declaration of
Independence. Morse heard the
piquant story from West himself,
says Ernest Greenwood in “From
Amber to Amperes.” Here it is
—as related by Morse:
Turning to the picture of the
king, Sir Benjamin West said:
“Do you see that picture, Mr.
Morse? Well, sir, the king
was sitting for me when the box
containing the American Declara-
tion of Independence was handed
to him.”
“Indeed!” I answered, “and
A Worthy Object
VX7 ILL power is the mental
** experience exercised in
bringing about a desired end.
Therefore, I say that a man
must necessarily have a
worthy object in view to bring
out the best in him—that a man
must see more than a salary to
be more than a salaried man.
A man must see the position of
ownership, partnership, man-
agement, or increased award,
in order to awaken his will
power.
The man who does good to
another does even more good
to himself.
what appeared to be the emotion
of the king? What did he say?”
“Well, sir,” said West, “he
made a reply characteristic of the
goodness of his heart,” or words
to that effect. “ ‘Well,’ he said,
‘if they can be happier under the
government they have chosen,
then under mine, I shall be hap-
py!’ ”
Morse stayed four years in Eng-
land where he achieved consider-
able success as a portrait painter.
Then returning to his native coun-
try, he afterwards became presi-
dent of the national academy and
an eminently successful painter,
his sitters becoming so numerous
that he was unable to meet and
fill all of his orders. It was dur-
ing his return voyage to America
in 1832, following a second visit to
Europe, that Morse got his con-
ception of the telegraph. Twelve
years later—May 24, 1844—he
gave a public demonstration of
his invention, sending a message
from Washington to Baltimore.
The rest is well known history.
—Kansas City Star.
Funster Ought to Have
Recognized His Fellow
Jones de Vere Jones decided it
would be fun to spend a day in
the country. Back to Nature, and
all that.
Meeting a farmer in a field he
thought to have some fun with
him.
“Good-morning,” he started. “1
must say I admire your part of
the country.”
Then he noticed a scarecrow in
the middle of the field.
“And is that one of the oldest
inhabitants?” he went on, point-
ing to the scarecrow.
“Naw, zur,” came the slow re-
ply. “That be no oldest ’habi-
tant. Just a visitor like yourself.”
The Scales
I/t/HAT goes up must come
^ * down. Or if you wish to put
it in more scientific language: Ac-
tion is equal to reaction and in the
contrary direction.
This is the law of compensation.
It is the one fixed, immutable law
of life and it applies to every-
thing, everywhere. It cannot be
evaded or avoided. The working
of it may be immediate or it
may be a matter of centuries,
but if we keep ourselves aware
of it we may be saved disappoint-
ment and disillusion.
The extent to which we try to
restrict that law is absurd. We
speak of balanced budgets, bal-
anced rations, and the balance of
trade; but we quite ignore bal-
anced lives and balanced sociolo-
gy; so, in the end, Nature takes
the job off our hands, with the
consequent upheavals and disturb-
ances.
We work or play to excess, we
indulge our appetites and our
senses to repletion, perhaps to
gluttony, and when we suffer dur-
ing Nature’s work of restoring
balance, we rail at fate.
In monarchy and republic we
allow our thirst for power and
for money to overbalance our
lives, both individually and so-
cially, then blame God and man
for the chaos which attends the
restoration of balance.
In all the affairs of life we may
evolve philosophies and devise
systems; but just so long as they
are out of balance, individually,
socially, industrially or govern-
mentally, just so long will the
scale teeter up and down to our
discomfort.
If as individuals our lives are
out of balance, the structure as a
whole must also be out of bal-
ance; and in time that balance
must be restored—by us or by
THOSE WHO FOLLOW.—Ray S.
Ayers in Detroit News.
FaRMERS everywhere are saying that the amazing Firestone Ground Grip
Tire is FIRST in performance and FIRST in economy. So many thousands
of farmers are changing over to this wonderful tire that production has been
greatly increased to meet the demand.
FIRST IN DRAWBAR PULL. The greater drawbar pull of this amazing
tire accounts for its ability to do more work in a given time.
MORE FARM TRACTORS ARE EQUIPPED WITH FIRESTONE
GROUND GRIP TIRES THAN ALL OTHER MAKES OF TIRES COMBINED!
Copyright 1937, Firestone Tire & Rubber Co.
FIRST IN TRACTION. The patented Ground Grip Tread takes a deeper
bite into the soil. Added strength to resist the strain of heavy pulling is provided
by Gum-Dipping the cord body. Every fiber of every cotton cord is saturated
with liquid rubber by this patented Firestone process. Two extra layers of
Gum-Dipped cords under the tread
bind the tread and cord body so solidly
together that we guarantee they will
not separate*
FIRST IN ECONOMY. Saves up to
50% in fuel over steel-lugged wheels.
Covers more acres per day. Low-cost
Firestone cut-down wheel program
permits using one set of tires on several
different implements.
FIRST IN SALES- Firestone Ground
Grip Tires have such outstanding
leadership in performance that sales
are soaring. Don’t wait another day—
see the Firestone Ground Grip Tire
today at your nearest Firestone
Implement Dealer, Tire Dealer or
Auto Supply and Service Store*
Listen to the Voice of Firestone featuring Margaret SpeaJtst
Monday evenings over Nationwide N. B. C. Red Network
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
Wade, W. Max. The Groom News (Groom, Tex.), Vol. 12, No. 30, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 23, 1937, newspaper, September 23, 1937; Groom, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth637767/m1/2/: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Carson County Library.