The Harrison Flag. (Marshall, Tex.), Vol. 5, No. 7, Ed. 1 Saturday, September 22, 1860 Page: 2 of 4
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4
Breckinridge Extinguished in Three Chnpters.
CIIAPTER I
A
THE HARRISON FLAG
built up a great power for the south.
The season had been dry in Texas, beyond any
J. MARSHALL, Editor, Pro. Tom.
MARSHALL, TEXAS:
....SEPT 22. 1860.
SATURDAY. . . .
t and decisive a revolution in
seen so grea
FOR ELECTORS.
We are no democrat, as thous-
Bredkridge is.
; we never were, and
4
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
CORRESPONDING COMMITTEE
Mr. Pope—
5
Mr. Pope
The Enforcement of the Laws.
victory.
Now, Me.', I have a
Lincoln, defeats his election.
for
The Democratic party is not a
We learn from
prise is
re-located and
4
the number every week.
J. W. Barrett,
J. Marshall.
has occurred within
it really seems that
J. Marshall,
J. W. Barrett,
Richard PEETE,
Oliver Thompson,
Gil McKay,
S. D. Wood.
SUB-ELECTOR.
For Harrison County,
G. McKAY, Esq.
R. C. Garrett,
C. C. Johnson,
J. Y. Collier,
T. Perry.
State.
(Signed)
J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,
J. P. Bates,
J. P. Metcalfe.
Judge Evans—Your Texas Platform, your par-
ty leaders Yancy, Rhett, Keitt, Orr & Co., say it
will.
Mr. Pope—I call for the authority.
Judge Evans reads, reads slow, and carefully to
Mr. Pope
Judge Evans—What say you sir ; will the elec-
tion of Lincoln be cause for disunion ?
fairly disposed of, we shall feel at liberty to over-
haul some Texas tiles and documents of ancient
and modern date ; that is, of 1850 as well as of
1860.
ands of good Union men
J. W. BARRETT.
REDRIVER.—The steamer Renb. White
public sentiment as
the last few weeks.
THAT THE PEOPLE OF EACH TERRITORY
SHALL DETERMINE THE QUESTION FOR
THEMSELVES, and be admitted into the Union
upon a footing of perfect equality with the origi-
nal States, without discrimination on account of
the allowance or prohibition of slavery.
Ata subsequent stage of the canvass of 1856,
Mr. Breckinridge delivered a speech in his own i
behalf at Tippecanoe, in which he re-affirmed as
follows the views he expressed at Lexington in
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.
WHEREAS, Experience has demonstrated that
platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of
the country have had the effect to mislead and
deceive the people, and at the same time to wi-
den the political divisions of the country, by the
creation and encouragement of geographical and
sectional parties; therefore—
Resolved . That it is both the part of patriot-
ism and of duty to recognise no political princi-
ples, other than
The Constitution of the Country,
The Union of the States, and
now progressing finely.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT
EDWARD EVERETT,
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Territory to settle the question for THEM-
selves, and not because I supposed, what Ido-
not now believe, that it legislated slavery into
C •Wcgsss
e"
was on a stand. So says the South-Wes-
tern
S. P. R. Road.—The work on this great enter-
ponder! _
G. G. Gregg &Co., have just received a part of
their heavy Stock of Fall Goods. No room for
advertisement this week.
tiers of Shelby county, the place where I pitched
my tent, though within four miles of the Flag
office, was then within the boundaries of Shelby
county. I obtained my marriage license in Shel-
byville—have not a personal enemy in the pres-
ent limits of that county, of which I have a
knowledge, nor have I a patron in it, nor have I
ever received one dime as patronage to the Flag,
although it is now in progress with the fifth vol-
6 tractors at work. Mr. Burnham, one of them, in-
form us that altogether they have some two hun-
derd and fifty hands at woik, and are increasing
Requtescat in Pace.— l’he New York
Herald thus chronicles the demise of the
Democratic party: “Let all whom it may
concern tremble and weep; but as for the
Democratic party, that is past praying for.
It isalreacy smashed. It died at Charles
ton, was buried at Baltimore, and its re-
mains have been since taken up and
scattered to the four winds of heaven.”
slave property by Congressional legislation, in
the event of the Territorial Legislature failing to
pass protective laws. He then demanded of Mr.
Magoffin to define his views on the same issue,
and, without hesitating, Mr. Magoffin replied
that he believed that the right to hold slaves in
the Territories was a Constitutional right, and
that Congress possessed the power to protect it ;
but that he considered, the exercises of the power im-
politic. He was for non intervention.
And we appeal to the public of Kentucky to
bear witness that Mr. Magoffin steadily held this
position on the stump throughout the entire can-
vass. The Democracy, under th leadership of
Mr. Magoffin, John C. Breckinridge’s lieutenant,
made the fight on this very position.
The Feeling in the West and the Men who are
Moving.—As a small specimen of who our co-
laborers are in the great work west of the Trini-
ty, we give below the names of the committee
who informed Messrs. Pascal and Robson of their
selection as electors. They comprise, it will be
seen at a glance, the strongest men in Texas;
EM Pease, EB Turner, A J Hamilton, A H
Chalmers of Williamson county, E W Cave, G
Schleicher of Bexar county, John Hancock, W C
Phillip , F W Chandler, E W Talbot of William-
son, M C Hamilton, J II Herndon, R N Lane, G
W Davis, Frank Gildart, J C Darden, W G May-
nard, J B Wilson, R M Johnson, W H Carr, Robt
Barr, W D Price, C G Palm, Ed Harrington, If J
Lamb n t, J W P’eery, Aug Palm, F T Duffau, J
Miner, W Stiles, M W Townsend, John M Swish-
er, W P DeNormaudie, M A Taylor, John T Allan,
A B Slaughter, Enoch Johnson, D B Kinney, J
M W Hall, Geo Hancock, W D Carrington, 1 W
0 Baker, Thomas Baker, S W Baker, G Pauvert,
A Smith, U Spalding, Swante Palm. Jas II Ray-
mond, Jas Philips, E D Rentfro, J S Perry, H W
Tong, A Heusinger, John H Connor, W M Booth,
L D Carrington, W L Robards, J 8 Napier, W T
Norton, A G Bud ington, S M Swenson, W J
Pendleton, John Davidson J S Penrod, James E
Ranch, P W Humphreys, E Goodman, CRliall
of Bastrop, Jos Rowe, O II Millican, Jenkins
Davis, N C Raymond, L B Moore, B R Townsend,
Enos Woofter, J H Walker, BE Johnson, T II
Tumey, L B Collins, J M Bennet. Thus J Ran-
dolph. D F Waddell, W S Taylor, D R D Chcezum,
R A Rutherford.
most every body—children and grown folks, ne-
groes and whites, handle matches. Half, perhaps
more than half of the adult males, and many a
“ Young America,’’ and especially about the
towns, smoke either pipes or cigars. They use
matches to light, and throw them down burning
as they walk. They empty the pipe, and throw
away the half smoked cigar, still burning. Every
one uses firearms, but seldom. thinks of the wad
of tow, cotton or paper when he.shoots. The
negro, out on his master’s errand after nightfall,
is seldom without his “ litard torch,” and “snuffs
it” every three hundred yards. We had high
charge. What, then, is the present condition of
Nebraska and Kansas? Why, sir, there is no
government, no slavery, and very little popula-
tion there, (for your federal laws exclude your
citizens,) but a law remains on your statute book
forever prohibiting slavery in these Territories.—
It is proposed simply to take off this prohibition,
but not to make an enactment in affirmance of
slavery there. Now, in the absence of any law
establishing slavery in that region, previous to
the prohibiting act, it is too clear toi dispute,
that the repeal of the prohibition has not the af-
firmative effect of fixing slavery in that country.
The effect of the repeal, therefore, is neither to.
establish nor exclude, but to leave the future con-
dition of Territories wholly dependent upon the action of
the inhabitants, subject only to such limitations as
the Federal Constitution may impose. But to
guard fully against honest misconstruction, and
even against malicious perversion, the language
of the bill is perfectly explicit on this point.—
[See App. Con. Globe, vol. 29, p. 411.
Has Douglas himself ever expressed the doc-
trine of absolute non-intervention in more em-
phatic language than this ? Never.
Two years later, June 9th, 1856, Mr. Breckin-
ridge, after his nomination by the Demociatic
partj7 for the Vice-Presidency, said in a formal
speech of acknowledgement at Lexington :
Upon the distracting question of domestic
slavery their position is clear. The whole power
of the Democratic organization is pledged to the
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION TICKET.
—0-0—
FOK PRESIDENT.
JOHN BELL,
OF TENNESSEE.
and I was looked upon as Douglas's right-hand man."
And others testify the same thing.
Well, here Mr. Breckinridge’s movements with
re spet to the question rested until the opening of
the State canvass in Kentucky last year. At this
period it is known that the Democracy of the
State were divided into two rival factions; namely;
the Breckinridge and the Boyd parties. As the
public is aware, in the State Convention that met
to appoint the Democratic standard-bearer, the
Breckinridge party triumphed. Mr. Magoffin,
the fast personal and political friend of Mr. Breck-
inridge, received the nomination for the Govern-
orship, and the whole direction and responsibility
of the canvass, so far as the Democracy was con-
cerned, devolved on the Breckinridge wing of the
party. This struggle on the part of the Demo-
eracy was considered by all sides as a purely
Breckinridge fight. The victory, if victory
should be won, would, in the universal estima-
tion, inure to Mr. Breckinridge’s benefit, and the
shock of defeat, if defeat should follow, would,
would be a blow to his political fortunes. Under
these circumstances, Mr. Breckinridge naturally
felt a deep concern in the management and issue
of the canvass. He was present at his home in
Lexington during the progress of the whole con-
test, and, though a proper sense of official pro-
priety restrained him from participating publicly
in the conflict, he notoriously took an active oart
privately. He unquestionably shaped and guided
the canvass of his friends. Especially is this true
respecting Mr. Magoffin, who was everywhere ac-
cepted and nowhere repudiated as Mr Breckin-
ridge’s representative in the field, and the Lexin
ton Statesman and the Frankfort Yeoman, journals
devoted with particular unreserve to Mr bu ck
inridge’s fortunes, and published wituin the
sphere of his privateinspiration. The common
voice of the State held Mr Breckinridge responsi-
ble for the deliberate avowals of these organs
touching the leading issues of the canvass, and
not one of the organs disavowed the relations at
the time. There can be no earthly doubt that
the relation actually existed. Beyond dispute,
every one of them spoke the sentiments then en-
tertained by Mr. Breckinridge himself.
Now, what were the sentiments they uttered on
the question of slavery in the Territories! No
strange sentiment to Mr. Breckinridge, reader, as
you will perceive. On the 26th of April, 1856,
Mr. Magoffin met Joshua F Bell in debate at Le-
banon. Mr. Bell came out himself on the ques-
tion of slavery in the l’erritories, and drew Mr.
Magoffin out. One of the editors of the Louis-
ville Courier, who was present, and who was then,
as he is now, a strong advocate of intervention,
thus described the passage between the disputants
in a letter to the Courier :
On the question of protection to slavery in the
Territories, Mi. Bell assumed a bold and decided
position. He was in favor of the protection of
The Bonds of Union.
The Mississippi river and its tributaries afford
some fifteem thousand miles of navigable waters. I
It drains a territory some nine hundred thousand
square miles in extent It has the largest and rich-
est valley in the world. It is now already densely
populated. That population is muitiplying at a
pace not surpassed by the children of Israel in
Egypt. They arc energetic, they are intelligent,
they are wealthy and they are brave.
The Mississippi river is their great natural
highway and outlet to market. It is precisely
where it ought to be, and where the Creator de-
signed it. It flows in a straight line a distance of
three thousand miles. It flows from north to
south, and changes it climate and the character
winds incessantly, at night as well as day. The
woods were on fire in almost every neighborhood,
so combustible was every thing, that once a fire
started there was no arresting it; hence Burress’
saw mill and the town of Dallas were burned at
mid-day—and the town of Henderson one hour
after sundown, when every one was up and stir
ring. The wonder then is, not that we had fires,
but that we had so few. Few as they were, com-
paratively, they have injured many of our citi-
zens and ruined some of our best men And yet,
great as the injury has been, it has not equaled
by half the injury likely to arise from the exagge-
rated reports.
Had Him There.—In the discussion, at the
Court House, on Tuesday, Mr Pope, Breckinridge
sub-elector, read the late speech of Mr. Breckin-
ridge at Lexington.
Judge Evans—What says Mr. Breckinridge on
the election of Lincoln ; will it be cause for seces-
sion ?
I Mr. Pope—He don’t touch the question.
Judge Evans— What do you say ; will the elec-
tion of Lincoln be cause for disunion ?
tional Union men of the country in National
Convention assembled, we here pledge ourselves
to maintain, protect and defend, seperately and
unitedly, those great principles of public liberty
and national safety, against all enemies, at home
and abroad, believing that thereby peace may
once more be restored to the country, the just
rights of the people, and of the States re-establish-
ed and the Government again placed in that con-
dition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which,
under the example and constitution of our fathers,
had solemnly bound every citizen of the United
States to maintain a “more perfect union, estab-
lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide
for the common defense, promote the general
, .. -—---- welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
Massachusetts, ourselves and our posterity.”
Austin, Sept., 7th 1860.
Messrs, J. W. Barrett, Gil. McKay, S. D. Wood,
and J. Marshall :
Gentlemen—I have just received your letter of
the 25th inst,, informing me that at a mass meet-
ing of the friends of Bell and Everett, held in Mar-
shall, I was appointed’an elector for the Western
Congressional District.
I enclose you the proceedings of a meeting held
in this city, from which you will see that we have
formed an Union electoral ticket; while I would
individually, prefer a ticket exclusively support-
ing Mr. Bell, yet under existing circumstances it
is perhaps better to have one that can command
the votes of all persons opposed to sectionalism;
either North or South. I shall cheerfully support
the Union ticket, because, in so doing I know that
I am supporting Bell and Everett—should our
ticket be elected, for whom else can they vote?
Mr. Breckinridge has no strength in the North,
and from present appearances, his friends in the
South cannot expect to give him the electoral vote
of a single State except Texas, and South Carolina.
Mr. Douglas will not be able to obtain the elec-
toral vote of a single Southern State, although in
many of them his vote will perhaps equal, if it
does not exceed the vote for Mr. Breckinridge : in
the North the whole conservative vote combined,
will scarcely be able to defeat the Black Republi-
cans in States enough to prevent the election of
Lincoln. Confidently believing then, that Bell
w ill receive a much larger electoral vote than
either Mr. Breckinridge or Mr. Douglas, it seems
to me to be the duty of all patriots—of all persons
who are in favor of the Constitution, the Union,
and the enforcement of the laws, to give to the
Union ticket a cordial support.
While I am grateful for the honorable position
assigned me by so large and respectable a number
of my fellow-citizens, with whom I cordially agree,
yet I feel in duty bound to decline the position.
Your obt., servant,
W. P. DENORMANDIE.
Austin, Sept. 7, 1860.
Messrs. J. W. Barrett, Gil McKay, S. D. Wood,
and J. Marshall:
Gentlemen—Your letter of 25th ult., informing
me of my nomination, as Elector for the State at
Large on the Union Ticket, by a Mass Meeting
of the friends of the Constitution and the Union,
of Harrison county has been received’
While I am proud to receive so flattering a
mark of consideration from my fellow-citizens of
of the county of Harrison, circumstances, of
which you have, doubtless, ere this time, been
advised, if no other reason existed, to prevent my
Election will be cause for Secession.”
Will you submit that question to a Vote
of the People, before you take action;
Or will you go out at once.
Come now Gentlemen; honor bright,
out with the answer; Yes or No.
We have been requested to give notice
to all the ladies concerned in the presen-
tation of the Banner to the Marshall
Guards, to be present at a meeting to be
held at the Masonic Female Institute,
Especially is our admiration excited by
the splendid fight our friends are making
in the Northern States, to rescue them
from the possession of the Black Repub-
licans, and to defeat Lincoln upon the
very ground where he was, at first abso-
lutelycertain of victory. Me?—
we are assured, will be redeemed at the
coming election! Connecticut, by a com-
bination of all the conservatives upon a
single ticket; will be lost to Lincoln!
Rhode Island, small as she is is worthy
of recapture from the hands of the sec-
tionalist, and the efforts our friends are
making promise to be crowned with a
glorious victory. Even in the gieat
Empire State, New York, the first step
has been taken for a concentration of
the conservative strength upon a single
ticket and if the revolution continue there
ay it has commenced, a uobie tiiumph
will be won. New York alone, lost to
Power of a Minority. In case . of the elec-
tion of President by the House of Representa-
tives. the seventeen smallest States can elect a
President. Three of these minor States have on-
ly a single representative, six have only two,
three have three, three have four, ore has live,
and another six, so that thirty-seven members of
Congress being a majority of the delegation from
a majority of the States, can elect a President, if
no election is made by the electors chosen by the
popular vote. —Exchange.
In 1825. the election of Mr. Adams depend-
ed on a single man, from four different States,
which reduced the chances for a President of
these United States ; one of the first nations of
earth, to the fourth of a vote. New York, Missouri,
Illinois, and Louisiana were divided, so that one
man from each held the vote of the State, and by
withholding it could have defeated Mr. Adams ;
and sent the election to the Senate where the
weakest member from the smallest State might
have held the casting vote. And thus it may be
again. So true is it, that :
« A pebble on the streamlet cast
Has changed the course of many a river,
A dew drop on the tiny plant
Has warped the giant oak forever.”
Doesn’t LiKETHS Noise and Coneusion.—The
The Spirit of Exaggeration and its Effect.
There have been two, and but two, severe fires
in Texas—one at Dallas and the other at Hender-
son. In each case a large portion of the public
square and business houses were consumed, but in
neither case was a tenth part of the town, in extent
or value, destroyed. At Austin there was a
steam mill and a carpenter’s shop burned. A few
other isolated cases have occurred, doubtless—but
really at this writing we are unable to locate but
one with certainty ; that of a saw mill near Mar-
shall. We have heard of rumors upon rumors of
threatened insurrection, report after report of
poisons found with negroes ; but we have heard
of no insurrection nor attempt at insurrection,
and with all the immense quantities of strych-
other places, of state conventions and of state leg-
its object the extension of Slavery ! Nor ■ islatures, plan of a provisional government, slave
with any to prevent the people of a State or Ter- i resolutions, letters and speeches of leading
bitory from deciding the question of its exis-
tence with them for themselves.
‘ I happened to be in Congress when the Ne-
braska bill passed, and gave it my voice and vote,
and because it did what it did—viz : It AC-
Disunion DEVELOPMENTS.—The materials under
this head are accumulating rapidly, and they
promise to be as dark and damning as they are
voluminous. Our outside is full this week, and
from a source that commands the respect of the
American people—the National Intelligencer.—
We have no disposition just now to “pile Ossa
on Pelion,” but merely to remind our readers of
the letter of Gov. Wise, calling a meeting of the
governors of the southern states at Raleigh, N. C.,
in October, 1856, to mature plans for resisting the
inauguration of Fremont, if elected. That letter
was addressed to none but democratic governors.
It gave Kentucky, Missouri and Delaware, three
slaveholding states, the cold shoulder. The ac-
tion of the southern convention at Vicksburg and
slaves, having been delegated to the Federal
Government ; therefore,
Resolved, That our Senator in Congress be in-
structed, and our Representatives requested,
firmly to oppose every effort that may be made in
the Congress of the United States to interfere with
the institution of slavery, either in the States of the
Union, District of Columbia, or the Territories that
now belong to, or may hereafter be acquired, by
the Government of the United States.
Here, it will be seen, Mr. Breckinridge avers
that Congress has no “power” to legislate on
“the subject of slavery,’’ except in “certain spe-
cified cases,” which’, he expressly declares, relate
to “the African slave trade and to the recovery of
fugitive slaves.” By every recognized and just
rule of construction, he denies the power of Con-
gress to legislate for the protection of slavery in
the Territories- His language construed with
the resolution quoted first above leaves no room
for cavilling on the point. He clearly asserts the
constitutional right of the people of the Territo-
ries pending the Territorial condition to dispose
of the whole question of slavery at their own
pleasure. He anticipates the parent essay in Har-
per by nearly a decade of eventful years. So
much for John C. Breckinridge’s first public step
in relation to the question of slavery in the Ter-
ritories.
His next was the advocacy in the Federal
House of Representatives of the Kansas Nebraska
bill, co operating ardently with Stephen A. Dong
las in the other House, on grounds which the pre-
sent pink of intervention is thus defined :
But if non-intervention by Congress be the
principle that underlies the compromise of 1850,
then the prohibition of 1820, being inconsistent
with that principle, should be removed and per-
fect non intervention thus be established by law.
Among the many misrepresentations sent to
the country by some of the enemies of this bill,
perhaps none is more flagrant than the charge
that it proposes to legislate slavery into Nebraska
and Kansas. Sir, if the bill contained such a
feature it would not receive my vote. The right
to establish involves the correlative right to pro-
hibit, and, denying both, I would vote for neith-
er. I go further, and express the opinion that a
clause legislating slavery into those Territories
could not command one Southern vote in this
House. It is due to both sections of the country
and to the people to expose this groundless
of organizing.
might have L.. — ....
dolbttul voter ascertained, and quiet influences
brought to bear upon him. for one-half the out-
lav already wasted in torches and drinks. We
speak in the interest of the staid and earnest
class of our ciswens when we advise all parties to
stop their infernal noises, and organize. Organ-
ize gentlemen politicians, organize as speedily as
po’ille, and the more quietly the better.
Cheating Around the Board.
Is Mr. Breckinridge a Union man ? We hope so.
Docs this make him a Union Candidate ? We fear
not. Is he the candidate of the Disunion Party ?—
He, and none but he, certainly is. If elected what
party of men or class of voters elect him ? Will
it not be the disunion vote ? To whom will he be
indebted ? Whom must he reward for the past or
look to in future ? Whom will Mr. Breckinridge
select for his Cabinet? The Jolin Bells, and Sam
Houstons, or the William Yancies, and Louis
Wigfalls ? Will he take them from the South
where all his strength lies, or will he divide them
with the North where two thirds of the voters
live ?
What will be the policy of his administration ?
Will it heal the dissentions, or will it widen the
breach 2 Will it pour oil upon the troubled wa-
ters ; or will it add fuel to the flame ?
Is he another Tyler, or is he true to his friends?
If the former, can they trust him ? If the latter
he must be what they are, or what they desire
him to be—mere clay in the hands of the potter.
Thank you, Mo.—Impressed with the belief
that Shelby county had been kept in the back-
ground, compared to some, if not all, of her adja-
cent sister counties, for the want of a county
paper, I have on several occasions expressed a
wish for the pecuniary success of the Echo, estab
lished at Shelbyville by Mr. McCormick. From
the following very flattering notice, for which we
return him thanks, it seems that he, although
differing with me politically, has a just apprecia-
tion of my efforts to merit the patronage of the
shock of battle is over in November, our
brows will be bound with victorious
wreaths, and the welkin will ring with
such a shout of victory as will gladden
the hearts of all patriots from the Atlantic
to the Pacific! — Crescent.
The most UNKINDEST Cut.—On he subject of
Congressional Intervention the Breckinridge Or-
ator on Tuesday, made his chief argument and
strongest point. He seemed to plume himself up-
on it.
Why said Judge Evans, that is exactly the doc-
trine of S^ard, Lincoln, and all the Black Re-
publicans. it is the doctrine that Davis backed
down from, and all the leaders in the South repu-
diate.
Mr. Breckinridge says : The whole theory of Con-
gressional Intervention is a LIEL on our Institutions.
__Congressional Globe Vol, 29, P. 442.
pro-slavery party.
“ The people of the Territories, under the Kan-
sas Nebraska act, have the full right to establish
or prohibit slavery, just as a State would !”
To add a word of comment to this would be
“wasteful and ridiculous excess.’ ’ It asserts the
doctrine of absolute non-intervention as plainly
as language can assert it. We may pertinently
add, however, that Mr. Douglas, a few days ago
in a speech at Concord, New Hampshire, bore his
personal testimony to the fact that Mr. Breckin-
ridge in the campaign of 1856 advocated this doc-
trine in precisely the same extent and with ex-
actly the same construction that the speaker him-
self advocated and now advocates it. Douglas
declares solemnly that in the campaign of 1856
he spoke from the same stump with Breckinridge,
and that the latter inculcated squatter sovereign-
ty with all the might of his eloquence and leal.
“ I made speeches,” is Douglas’s language,
“from the same stand with John C. Breckinridge
in 1856, when he was advocating his own claims
to the Vice-Presidency, and heard him go to the ex-
treme length in favor of popular sovereignty in the Ter-
ritories." To the like effect is the testimony of
Cassius M. Clay, who, though a Republican, is a
gentleman of irreproachable veracity. " Well,
now,” said Mr. Clay, in his speech in Louisville
last month, “where is friend Breckinridge? Why,
sirs, I met him over in the Free States, and
where do you think he was then ? W hy, he was
right alongside of Cash Clay. He was as good a
Free-soiler as Cash Clay. He had one method of
making Kansas free, and I had another—that was
all the difference. He teas for non-intervention,
the city is in flames, shall the gallant firemen stop
battling with the elements to settle private quar- the -enito-
word to say which i
JECT IN THE STATES, IN THE TERRITO-
RIES, OR IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA;
will astonish you. I was one of the pioneer set-
party for whose success I labor :
“ Old-line whigs, (we hope we are not speaking
to the dead,) do you want to take a first rate Bell
and Everett paper of Texas manufacture ? If so,
send for the Harrison Flag, published at Marshall
for $2,50 per year, in advance, by Capt. J. W .
Sa " ,1 “ .° .. AI, Ap;oinal wr1te7‛
Plilade phia Enquirer, of the 4th, says :
It micht puzzle an arithmetician to calculate
the netgain produced by all the belk-ringing, arrived at the Shreveport wharf from Wcw
rail-splitting processions which march and coun-
termarch nightly through our streets, to the un-
bearable annoyance of the quiet portion of the in-
habitants thereof, but to the great delight of the
children, large and small. All parties are just
now going it at a killing pace, and we doubt if
either legs or wind will hold out until the Win-
ni ng post is reached. The enthusiasm, real or
stimulated, is too great to last. Human nature, the Chief Engineer that it has been
even when stimulated by visions of fat inspector-
ships and such luscious.things, cannot stand such
tremendous draughts. If the thing goes on in
this furious way, everboey will be too exhausted
to cheer, much less march, before election day
comes round. We beg the leading spirits on all
sides to have more consideration for the supes and
other subordinate dramatis personxe. Let them re-
flect that all the blaze of torches and of stump
oratory do not make a single vote, and let them
stick to the olil-fashioned but very effective plan
The Whig says: The prospects of
the Union men in Mississippi are most
encouraging. Fiom every quarter we
have the most cheering news. A gentle-
man, who has traveled through several
counties in central and North Mississippi
assures us that we will carry the State.
This is glorious news, but we say to our
faiends work, WORK till the day of election.
We have vigilant and active adversaries,
and to overthrow them will require all
our energies ’ Organize and work—labor
zealously and with determination, and we
will be sure to succeed.
PATRONS OF THE FLAG OFFICE-
1 trust that those indebted to the Flag’
office will not be unmindful of their obli-
gations pending my illness. My health
will not permit me to resort to the usual
mode of collecting, in consequence of
which I publish a fact, although it com-
prises nothing new, that is, that the ope-
ratives of printing establishments require
something to sustain dear life, as well as
other people
Gentlemen please come forward and
trouble Mr. Eddy, at the office, to give
you receipts, and very much oblige
Your humble servant,
the stakes re set as far as Pine Tree in Upshur
4%19288525tkeds.
>(UL4U
STATE AT LARGE.
HON. WILLIAM STEDMAN.
Alternate.
J. M. DODSON, Esq.
STATE AT LARGE.
GEO. W. PASCUAL.
FIRST district.
HON. B. IL EPPERSON.
Alter into
HON. G. W. WHITMORE.
SECOND D SIT RIC T .
JOHN II. ROBSON.
Mr. T. A. Harris, Postmaster, furnishes us with
the subjoineds tatement of the arrivals and depar-
tures of the mails.
Eastern Mail, via. Shreveport’..Ac., arrives Mon-
day, Wednesday and Friday at 12 p m. ; departs
Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a. m.
Western Mail, via. Henderson, &c., arrives
Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 p. m. ; de-
parts Tuesday. Thursday and Saturday at 6 a. m.
Northern Mail, via. Jefferson, &c., arrives Tues-
day, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a. m. ; departs
Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 p. m.
Southern Mail, via. Carthage, &c., arrives Tues-
day, Thursday and Saturday at 6 p. m.; departs
Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a. m.
Keachi Mail, via. Glade Springs, &c., arrives
Monday, and Thursdayat 12 m. ; Monday
and Thursday at 1 p. m.
Tyler Mail,' via. Ash Springs, Ac., arrives Tues-
iay, Thursday and Saturday at 6 p m. ; departs
Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a. m.
Gilmer Mail, via. Friendship, 83., arrives Thurs-
days at 6 p. m., departs Mondays at 6 a. m.
Port Caddo Mail arrives Tuesday Thursday and
Saturday at 6 p. m.; departs Tuesday, Thursday
and Saturday at 6 a. m.
ecunty.
There are some half dozen or more sub-con
rels ? When the ship is sinking and all going
down, will no one man the pumps for dislike of
the commander ? Had not Washington his Gates;
and the Revolution its Arnold ? Nay more, had
not the Savior a Judas ?
Where in God’s Universe, is the perfect man ?
And where is the upright judge of that perfection ?
Did our fathers reject a Lafayette ; or the heroes
of Texas her gallant volunteers ? Should war
come, as come it must, unless by concert we
avert it, who is to inquire “were you a Whig,
were you a Democrat, were you an American, in
the hour of battle ?
WHAT SAY THE LEADERS?-WIIL THEY
ANSWER THE QUESTION?
You say and teach “That Lincoln’s
ruin."
If these remarks are true, they only re-
licet only on that class of Southern politi-
cians whom a North Carolina contempo-
rary calls “ultimatum-makers.” As the
Southern people never authorized the lan-
guage held by these officious gentlemen,
it would be more modest in them, as well
as more discreet, to take upon their own
shoulders the onus of that discredit in
which they seek to involve their whole
soction. We do not pause to point, in
addition, the folly of publishing “resolves,”
which, aceordiug to Mr. Rhett,, are re-
garded at the North only as “ any other
hearsay.” If such demonstrations are so
useless in that quarter, we venture to
pronounce them doubly useless in the
Dome of all gallant and loyal Southrons,
who will be under no necessity of ever
recurring to the brave “resolutions”
passed by any disunion convention in'
order to ascertain when their lights have
been invaded, and what shall be the
the mode and measure of their redress.
. . Dost thou Like tub riCTURE.—The picture on
Every ward, nay, every preempt, POT TU —1 . f
been thoroughly canvassed, every the outside, and the picture on die insid
paper, Disunion on one side ; Squatter Soveleign,
tyon the other. Look freemen, look ; read and
ume. I trust her citizens will be more liberal to
their local paper than they have been toward the
Flag. J. W. BARRETT.
Union for the Sake of the Union.—When the
wicked conspire for evil designs, why should not
the righteous unite for virtuous ends? If the
disunionist conspire to destroy the Union, why not
the Union men associate in self-defence, defence of
their country, its lawsand their liberty? When
Orleans on Monday last, 17 th. The river
can’t live on cotton. We need some millions of
bushels of corn, hundreds of thousands of barre s j
of flour and pork, and other necessaries of life in
proportion. The west has all these thing to
spare, and our cotton will bring the money to
buy them. In case of disunion, a southern coi -
federacy commands the Tower Mississippi. It
must be supported, and as a means, levies a tax ot
33 per Cent, on all western produce, and this the
consumer must pay, while at the same time it
injures the producer.
Whether we need their products or not, the
west needs an outlet to market, and must and will
have it down the Mississippi.
We have, then, every thing to encourage
us The clouds which lowered upon our . ,
house in the beginning have beeidissis this (Saturday) morning, at 9 o clock,
pated as is the morning dew by the rising
sun. The indications are that when the
Speech of Judge Evans.
Had we the space to spare, or leisure to write,
it would be imposible to do justice to the effort. —
It was for the Union. Its premises were as broad
as the Union, and its concluisons of a settled con-
spiracy, and a pro-determination to disolve the
Union as irresistable as fate itself ; as omnipotent
as the behest of a manifest destiny. It was in a
word, a pyramid of adamant, dove-tailed, bolted,
linked and rivited together with a net-work of
steel.
Notice was given in the out-set that he would
be replied to ; and he invoked and provoked as he
advanced the criticism of the adversary. But at
the conclusion, a truce was sounded, and the dis
union forces called off, Evans had thrown up a
rampart no disunion battery could raze ; and erec-
ted a tower in the very midst of their camp that
no disunion ladder could scale. It was a Roman
effort, and an effort worthy the Senate of Rome,
and in its golden Age. It was Cicero on Catiline.
acceptance of the same Believing it to be the
duty of the conservatives of Texas, to unite in
this contest, on a common ground, embracing op-
position to Sectionalism, North and South, and
which at the same time will ensure the vote of
Texas against the nominees of the Black Repub-
licah party. I shall lend what influence I pos-
sess in favor of a Union Electoral Ticket, on
the basis set forth in the call upon Messrs. Pas
chai and Robson, to become Electors thereon.—
The uncompromising ground assumed by the sub-
porters of Breckinridge and Lane in Texas, leaves
no other alternative. To remain silent and see
the vote of Texas thrown away on those candi-
dates, when they have no chance of an election,
would in my opinion prove us regardless of the
safety of the Union.
The movement inaugurated here is broad eu •
ough to comprehend the only questions at issue—
Union or Disunion. It has the sanction and co-
operation of conservative men of both parties
and if successful, will be the means of upholding
the Constitution and the Union in Texas against
all assaults.
I believe, gentlemen, that a spirit of loyalty to
the Union formed by our fathers, still lives in
the breasts of the people of Texas. The obliga-
tions we have taken upon ourselves to maintain
it, the blessings it affords are too continually be-
fore us, to be disregarded. Every attempt, thus
far, to win the people from their attachment to
the Union has failed and I still have the conf
dencefin them, to believe that they will turn
aside from the sectional appeals now made by dis-
unionists and give another proof of their nation-
ality.
I believe the people North and South are alike
interested in the defeat of Lincoln and Hamlin.
They can be defeated upon National grounds.
The sectional and disunion tone of the promi-
nent Southern advocates of Breckinridge and
Lane but serves to drive off and paralize the true
national men of the North ; but let us take a
stand against sectionalism for the Union, and in
the name of the Union, and it will be the signal
for a like rally of the conservative forces of the
North.
Hoping the efforts you are making in common
with others, in behalf of the Union caues, may
result in good to the country, I remain
Yours respectfully,
JOHN HANCOCK.
litical revolution now going on in all por .0 a.._________
tionsof the country North and South Ana that as te representatives of the Constitu-
Thus do we explain the great moving ot - — - - - - in NIrtien"l
the masses, whereby a party a few months
ago weak in numbers but invincible in
spirit, now counts its legions of recruits,
and is advancing with such triumphant
march to the final field of contest and of
The Prospeet.
Two months ago, we frankly admit, the
prospects of the Union party were rather
blue. Its memlers, however, were faith-
ful, earnest, determined. They were
made of that sort of stuff which never
yields even in defeat Gathering fresh
courage from the contemplation of the ob-
stacles befone them, they went to work
with a sort of obstinate determination,
which, we felt sure; was bound to produce
good results sooner or later.
Those results are already apparent.
We have seen a good deal of political
warfare in our time, and have had a hand
in no littleofit; but we have never yet
the “ground swell” which political writers
have been so long predicting has actually
oceurred at last, and that Bell and Ever-
ett are about to sweep everything before
tin ni in a kind of political tornado, simi-
lar to that which lore Gen. Harrison into
the Presidential chair so triumphantly in
1840.
And why not? The South has hereto-
fore been, generally, Democratic, because
that party professed its greater willing-
ness and greater ability to save the South
from Northern aggression. But it has
now bad eight years continuous posses-
sion of the Federal Government, ami the
South, so far from being saved, is in
greater peril than ever before. The peo-
ple of the South trusted the Democratic
party to save them, and secure them in
their rights—but under its Adminisirn
tion, not only has anti-slavery in the North
acquired greater strength and arrogance
but it even threatens to secure the su-
preme control of affairs at Washington.
Worse than all, the Democratic party,
after failing in its mission, became de-
moralized and fell to pieces—and now,
having lost its unity, the two wings are
waging war upon each other with a bit-
terness altogether unexampled, and . a
hostility that becomes daily more terrific.
It is peifectly natural, then—and as it
is natural—that the honest members of
that once powerful organization should
escape from its wreck, and look around
for new’ associations. And it is also per-
fectly natural that they should find a sat
isfactory position under the broad na-
tional banner of the Constitutional Union
party, represented by such true states-
men as John Bell and Edward Everett.
Thus do we account for the grand po-
KNOWLEDGLD the right of the people of the
We, perhaps, ought to ask pardon of the Broek-
inridge men, or, at least, solicit for them the
sympathy of the Bell men, on the occasion of
presenting the following calm, yet murderous,
array of the salient points in the seceding champ-
ion’s political history. This, however, weare
constrained to do for the public good. Duty to-
our country, therefore, shall be our justification,
and also that of the able collator and. commenta-
tor to whom we are indebted’for the following.—
It is our purpose to bring out the article in three
successive chapters, and if any fire-eater’s-breath
should fail him, he may thus have time to recov-
er it:
From the Louisville Journal.
A Destructive Record-—John C. Breckin-
ridge, as is generally known, began his political
career in 1850, when he took a seat in the lower
House of the Legislature of Kentucky Whilst
occupying this seat, Mr. Breckinridge introduced
a series of resolutions upon the question of slave-
ry in the Territories, of which the following was
the first :
Resolved by the General Assembly of the Common-
wealth of Kentucky, That the question of slavery
in the Territories, being wholly local and do-
mestic, properly belongs ALONE to the people
who inhabit them. - House Journal,page 103.
Subsequently, Mr. Breckinridge, as a member
of the Committee on Federal Relations, made
the following report on the same question, ac-
companied by the subjoined resolutions, and oth-
ers not material to point out in hand ;
The undersigned, the minority of the Commit-
tee on Federal Relations, have not been able to
concur in the resolutions of a majority of the
Committee.
The two sets of resolutions will be found to
differ only in two essential particulars. Those
presented by the undersigned take the ground
that legislation on the subject of slavery, except
in certain specified cases, is not within the power of
Congress, and they instruct our Senators to oppose
Congressional interference with the subject.—
The resolutions of the majority surrender the
power to Congress, or at least fail to deny it
clearly and explicitly, and do not propose to in-
struct our Senators to carry out the will of the
people of Kentucky.
The undersigned cannot doubt that the resolu-
tions they have the honor to submit, occupy firm,
moderate ground, proper for Kentucky to assume,
and answerable to the decided sentiment of the
Union Ticket for the Sake of the Union.
We draw from our ticket Hancock and DeNor-
mandie, and supply in their stead Pascal and
Robson. This is a union for the sake of the
‘Union, and for it, and for it alone we shall battle
till November.
We are no squatter sovereign, as Douglas, 18
bequeathed, and thrice dearer than life.
The case admits of no contention, no dis-
sension, no schism in the Union ranks,but
only of that noble contention, or rather
emulation of who may best serve his
country and best agree in that service.
Tearing OFF the Mask.—Judge Evans
put the question to the Breckinridge elec-
tor in this county : Are you in favor of
dissolving the Union in the event Lincoln
is elected—or rather, will his election be
cause for disunion ? At the close of the
speech a gentleman rose fro m his
seat, repeated the question, and put it to
vote :
“ All in favor of dissolving the Union,
if Lincoln is elected, hold up the right
hand.”
And up the right hands went!
Judge Evans has promised to put this
question, as he put it to Pope, from every
stump in Texas. And to it we hope he
will add another : Do you not, upon hon
or and from your inmost heart, desire the
election of Lincoln—not as a President,
but to furnish a pretext to dissolve the
Union ?
There is enough in the case to justify
suspicion, and we go at once for purging
the conscience
A Wet Blanket.— The late speech of
Mr Breckinridge, had not been circulated
or seen by the people, when read by Mr.
Pope from the stand on Tuesday.
The answer to the charge of disunion
seemed to apply to his past record, rather
then to his present position, and rather,
we thought, indefinite and unsatisfactory
under all the circumstances; and yet, fa-
vorable as it was, it seemed to fall like a
wet blanket in mid-winter on some of
the disciples of fervency and zeal.
spirits, are yet in reserve. When these are all
J line:
“I AM CONNECTED WITH NO PARTY THAT HAS
-=-=--==-==-===========-==-
eozage, decision, and regard for liberty. Marshall Mail Arrival? and Departures
They believe that you will submit to their
aggression, as ignoble slaves, and they
to-day go on with their aggressions,
stepping step by step, umntil they finally
lift the mighty wave of abolition and
Resolved by the General Assembly of Kentucky, That
the Federal Government possesses no other pow-
ers than those specially delegated, and such other
power as may be necessary and proper to carry
into execution the enumerated powers, and no
control over the institution of slavery, with the ex-
ception OF SPECIAL POWERS RELATIVE TO THE AFRI-
CAN TRADE, AND TO THE RECOVERY OF FUGITIVE
adeseed
22*=
AMkgh (0
e'ANs •
E===, 258
Cutoff the head and you distroy the whole body, thing of the kind within the memory of man.
Paralyze the nerves, and you destroy the head- The weather was hot, intensely hot, the mercury
Dissolve the Union, and you chop the Missis- standing at one hundred aud ten, and at one time
sippi in two ; and worse than that, you take the as high as a hundred and fifteen in the shade ! It is a
part that is useless to you, and render the upper well authenticated fact that glass tumblers split
portion useless to the west. Memphis and New open on being suddenly filled with cold water,—
Orleans, Vicksburg and Natchez would get rich just as they do when plunged into hot water in
in swapping cotton bales about as fast as St. Louis freezing weather. All nature was up to fever
and Cincinnati, Pittsburgh and Louisville would beat, so that you felt a man’s hand to be far cool-
in exchanging flour and pork from one city to the er than a piece of -‘cold iron.” Every thing
other. was as dry as. the inside of a powder magazine,
Our corn and meat crops have failed, and we and almost as combustible. In this country al-
well as of the guilty ; the life of the fee
ble, the timid and the helpless, as well as
of the strong man, the valient and brave. Barrett, who is an’able, free and original writer/
It is liberty—the-liberty our forefathers
never expect to be ; but we are more, infinitely more
than these or either : we are an AmtHcan citizen,
and through our veins thrills the blood of an
American name and ancestry, back for a hundred
years before the Revolution. For us it has a spell,
a talismanic charm to exorcise disunion. We love
our native land, the Old Dominion, the Eastern
Shore, Old Accomac—God bless her! But we
love the South, the Lone Bright Star, none the
less for loving her. There, between the chafing
waters of the angry Chesapeake, and the far
rolling waves of the broad Atlantic, sleep in
repose the relics of our race ; and here, in ‘he far
off region of the South, where the sun sends his
shadows to play in summer, are clustered our
jewels around us.
We desert the Union ! Yes, when the bride-
groom deserts the bride of yester-night ; when
the mother forsakes the smilirg infant on her
knee ; when the name of the first President, and
the chief of the Chief J ustices, have no longer a
place in American annals ; when the God of the
Universe has dissolved all nature : then, but not
till then, shall these
« Angry apes, clothed
In a little brief authority ,
Most ignorant of wkat
They are most assured,
(Their glassy substance !)
Play their fantastic tricks
Before high Heaven,
And make the angels weep.”
No, no ! Before this Union move we had nailed
our colors, the Flag of the Union, hard to the
mast—and, like the forlorn hope of the Spartan
band, resolved, though the enemy’s arrows shall
darken the sun, only to fight the harder in the
shade.
But the work is done—this new alliance, this
Union ticket saves the state, and
“ Now is the winter of our discontent
Made glorious summer by this Union move,
And all the clouds that lowered over the South
In the deep caverns of disunion buried”
Judge Evans—“ He doesn’t answer.”
Judge Evans—That question was propounded
to Judge Douglas the moment he placed his foot
on Southern soil, and he answered it as I have
answered. It was propounded directly to Mr.
Breckinridge. It is claimed by the leaders as
cause ; what is the inference from this silence ?
Put on the Whole Armor and Enlist
for the War—The Union movement in-
augurated in New York is sweeping over
the broad bosom of the mighty nation it
is inspiring hope and giving confidence
everywhere. It is the fixed and settled
purpose everywhere among the conserv-
atives, the middle men between extremes,
to defeat Lincoln. It is the fixed purpose
of the two extremes to elect him: the
black-republican, by strengthening his
forces and increasing his numbers ; the
disunion party, by dividing our strength
and weakening our forces.
The issue involves all that mortal holds
dear. It is life—life of the innocent as
of its productions at every turn. It is a great iu- nine, arsenic, &c., &c,, among the negroes, we
ternal commercial highway, as well as an outlet have heard of not a single case of poisoning in the
to a market abroad, and belongs no more to the state.
south than it does to the west, no more to Louisi- However different it may have been at Dallas, it
ana than it does to Illinois. Neither can dis. seems Henderson was fired by one of. its own citi-
pense with it, and neither should have an exclusive zens. The burning of the steam mill at Austin,
right to its use. from the circumstances of the case, must have
The Mississippi, then, may be fitly styled the been accidental The one near Marshall occurred
spinal cord ot this great valley. New Oilcans, at noonday, with the proprietor and operatives all
stationed at its terminus, is the largest exporting on the ground. The carpenter shop at Austin
city in the world, and may be well styled the was fired by a negro child only nine years old,
brain of the region, where all its nerves coucen- of her own volition, just to see the shavings blaze,
trate. The Mississippi has made New Orleans The great wonder is there was not ten times the
what she is, and in making New Orleans it has destruction from fire.
3358, 4 "fh/iiw
E RI
“xwemyiw
Can’t Stand Lincoln.—It seems that there is
a Douglas paper over in Georgia that is not much
of a Union- Squeaker. The Atlanta Confederacy
is reported to have used the following language
in answer to a question as to what the South
should do in the event of Lincoln’s election :
“ We answer this interrogatory by simply stat-
ing THAT THE SOUTH WILL NEVER PERMIT ABRAHAM
Lincoln to be inaugurated President on the
United States. This is a settled and sealed fact.
It is the determination of all parties at the
south: and LEI' THE CONSEQUENCES BE
WHAT THEY MAY_WHETHER THE POTO-
MAC IS CRIMSONED IN HUMAN GORE, AND
PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE IS PAVED TEN
FATHOMS IN DEPTH WITH MANGLED BOD
IES OR WHETHER THE LAST VESTIGE OF
LIBERTY IS SWEPT FROM THF FACE OF
THE AMERICAN CONTINENT, THE SOUTH,
THE LOYAL SOUTH, THE CONSTI TUTION-
AL SOUTH WILL NEVER SUBMIT TO SUCH
HUMILIATION AND DEGRADATION AS THE
INAUGURATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
-—Mont. Mail.
And the Montgomery Mail of the 7th instant,
displays these flaming capitals and gloats over the
broad Potomac swelled with human gore, and
Pennsylvania Avenue, the largest and broadest of
the broad streets in Washington piled sixty feet
high with mangled bodies !
Duel Prevented.—Messrs. Norton and Marshall
mentioned in our last as on their way to fight a
duel were both arrested at Shermnan.
si G » ft
* o ft 20 *
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Barrett, J. W. The Harrison Flag. (Marshall, Tex.), Vol. 5, No. 7, Ed. 1 Saturday, September 22, 1860, newspaper, September 22, 1860; Marshall, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1590965/m1/2/: accessed July 18, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Texas State Library and Archives Commission.