Wichita Daily Times (Wichita Falls, Tex.), Vol. 18, No. 124, Ed. 1 Sunday, September 14, 1924 Page: 19 of 48
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WICHITA DAILY TIMES, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1924! - ” =
BASED ON POSSESSION OF OFFICE
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Democrats Have Great Faith in
Personality of Their Candidate;
Would Like to Parade Coolidge
stallment plan. It is said that three
out of every four new automobiles
now being bought in America are
being bought aa the Installment
, plan. Coolidge would probably be
: horrified at the thought of buying
' aa automobile before having his
home paid for, and more than
enough money in the bank to pay
By MARK BULLIVAN
Political Correspondent of New York Tribune and Wichita Times.
Copyright, 1024, New York Tribune.
The Republican strategy in this campaign to based largely os the
ct that their candidate for president to la office and has been in for a
year, and oa the theory that because of that fact
or they have an advantage. It Is fundamental in the
TI
for
m
cage
ons.
blets
gists,
deacle
U. Republican strategy that the Democrats, in order to
beat them, must, to use a legal term, “show cause”
i why the incumbent Republican president should be
ousted, and his Democratic opponent seated.
u On this aspect of its strategy the Republican atti-
U tude is one of waiting for the Democrats to attack,
y of holding themselves in readiness to meet that at-
" tack. They feel that the mere fact of the country's
year and two months- of acquaintance with Coolidge
L is an asset The country is familiar with Coolidge:
■ it has not yet had a chance to become acquainted
■ with Davis. Davis himself realises this. In Chicago
F the other day, in an informal conference with some
/ leaders, be said that one of the chief purposes of his
I SULLIVAN present western trip is to show the people of the
i ountry he is not “a mere abstraction."
The Democrats have great taith that if their candidates were as
1 ell known to the people as Coolidge is, the Republicans would no
| onger have the immense advantage thst accrues to Coolidge merely
|because of his incumbency, because the people know him. There is no
emark one heart more frequently in informal talks among Democratic
leaders than the assertion that Davis has a more "taking" personality
han Coolidge. Froth thia they sometimes go on to discussion of proj
Beta for getting Coolldge out of the White Houee, out into the west.
Ik here the farmers can, aa they express it, "look at his teeth and feel
is hocks.” What these Democratic leaders, enthusiastic over their
candidate’s personality, really have in mind, is to bring about a com
parison of the personalities of the two.
Sometimes the more daring among-----------------------------
The Democratic leaders talk about
Attacking Coolidge directly. They
meak of It In terms of "exploding
the Coolldge myth." This, however,
will never- be done if the more pru-
lent Democratic leaders have their
way. These more responsible Demo-
Astle leaders say that too direct an
attack on Coolidge would be a mis-
lake under any circumstances. They
lay, further, that the so-called
“Coolidge myth" ie not a myth at
511, but a substantial picture of the
actual man.
■ Probably the truth is that there
has grown up a public Idea of Cool-
luge, which to based on fact, and
which, with sufficient time, might
make him as much a popular sym-
bol of certain qualities as Theodore
Roosevelt was of certain other
Balities. Roosevelt practiced and
preached the “strenuous life," un-
it became a popular vogue, and
affected materially the private
manners and standards of personal
conduct of his time. Coolldge
preaches and practices the “simple
life,” with emphasis on such.quall-
ties as frugality, . self-discipline,
common sense and economy.
agement of existence. For the mo-
ment, certainly. Coolidge is talking
against the trend of the times. For
example, it may be guessed that It
is doubtful if Coolidge ever in IT
his lifetime contracted a debt, or
made a promise to pay money which
he did not then have in sight. Prob,
ably Coolldge has as much shrink-
ing from debt aa some people have
from drink or vice. There .uro
plenty of people who feel that way
about debt, among the older genera-
tions of ‘ New Englanders, and
among those who, like Coolidge,
got their standards for the personal
conduct of life from the older
strains of New England stock—
[ There are a good many persons
who would be glad to see these
qualities made popular to such an
extent as to bring about a vogue for
them, to cause individuals to adopt
them as part of their personal man-
As regards frugality.' It Is not a
guess, but a fact, that Coolidge al-
ways, from the year he left college,
has caved something out of each
year's income. Even In the years
when that income was less than two
thousand a year, and Coolidge had
a family, he saved something.
Ons can understand how this sort
of thing may seem odd, may seem
like a myth, to a generation of
Americans who go into debt, both
public and private, as no people
ever did before. In a generation
where it is a part of accepted bust,
nsss practice to stimulate debt, to
solicit and persuade people to buy
automobiles, for example, on the In-
cash. _ *
And the popularity of public debt
is no less than the popularity of
private debt. The debts contracted
by the United States government
and ettll due in the form of bonds,
are more than twenty times what
they were ten years ago. Many
states, counties, cities and towns
ships, go on doubling their debts
each year, borrowing more and
more money, for the next- genera-
tion to pay. If and when they can.
However it may be ae to all that,
the Republicans feel that they have
an advantage of entrenchment In
the mere fact that Coolidge is la
office, and has been in long enough
for the public to feel confident in
him. The Republicans say that the
emotions of individual voters about
Coolidge may run all the way from
high enthusiasm, through mere
tepid approval, down—to indiffer-
ence—even in some cases to disap-
proval. But to nil cases the Repub-
licans feel the people have a sense
of safety and confidence about
Coolidge. This is stating the pub-
lic attitude, toward Coolidge in the
mildest terms. The Republican
managers looking nt It in these
minimum terms, reason that even nt
that they have an advantage over
Davis—the advantage of the peo-
ple's acquaintance with Coolidge
and their, so far, lack of wide-
spread acquaintance with Davle.
By poseearing this advantage alone,
the Republicans feel that even if
there were no other advantages,
they are safe against the Democrats
until the Democratic candidate
makes himself sufficiently well
known and earns for himself a suf-
fictent degree of public approval to
make him a menace, to really
threaten Coolidge's position.
In all this, on the part of the Re-
publicans, there is of course an in-
genius implication of distinction be-
tween Coolidge ae a man ana the
Republican party as a party If
you should ask any one whether
this country has as much confidence
in the party that was responsible
for Forbes, Fall and Daugherty as
It has in Coolidge ae a man and
president, the answer would probe
ably be one loud derisive jeer. That
is a sufficient reaeon why the Re-
publicans went to make It end keep
it a fight on Coolldge. If the Demo-
crats can manage to moke the pub-
llo visualize It no a. fight against
the Republican party, that la for
them to do. That lo why the more
prudent Democratic leaders frown
on the idea of mahing a fight di-
rectly on Coolidge. Many even of
those Democratic leaders who have
either Davis or the Democratic
party. For the present, at least, the
Republicans leave the role of at-
tacker to Davis sad the Democrats.
As respects La Follette, the Re-
publican attitude is quite dlffersat.
They are fighting La Follette. If
a strategy seems strange that re:
trains from fighting the stronger of
the two opponents, namely, Davis,
and fights aggressively against the
weaker of two opponents, namely.
La Follette, there are two answers:
One ie that this policy of fighting
hard against La Follette probably
emanates from Coolidge. One need
only read Coolidge's speeches to see
that he is frequently striking, and
striking hard, at La Follette, or,
more accurately, at some of La Fol-
lette’s ideas: that he regards La
Follette, tn his role of leader of the
Socialist party, as one whom it to a
duty to right; that he regards La
Follette aa Ike exponent of Ideas
which to Coolidge, are dangerous,
un-American. There to every sign
of real earnestness in those portions
of Coolidge’s speeches thst are dr-
reeted atsome—of- ■ Las Follette’s
doctrines.
The other reason the Republicans
have for lighting La Follette to that
by so doing they help themselves
To the extent that La Follette, as
the election approaches, seems an
actual menace; to the extent that it
Memo possible for the election to go
into congress—to that extent con-
servative voters will tend to get
solidly behind either Coolidge or
Davis. By conservative voters in
this connection I mean voters who
are disturbed at the thought of the
election going into congress: voters
who don't like the prospect of. the
turmoil that might arise out of a
deadlock. These voters will not get
behind both Coolldge or Davis, they
will get behind one or the other of
them Whichever one of these con-
servative voters choose to make the
beneficiary of their solidified sup-
port will be that one of the two
who, aa the election approaches,
seems to represent the antithesis of
La. Follette; whichever one of these
two seems to provide a contrast
with La Follette. . And the Repub-
lican managers- reason thst by di-
recting—their campaign against Da
Follette, they will come to give the
country a picture of themselves as
the party that stands for all thst
La Follette does not, and will there-
by become the beneficiary of ths
tendency of conservative voters
generally to got together behind
either Coolidge or Davis as ths
election approaches.
And it may very well be that the
determined factor in this election
will be fear of La Follette and fear
of the election going Into con-
gress. Ths great bulk of the voters
will not want the election to go
into congress. ? They are are being
educated to the fact—which is an
indisputable fact that in congress
there would be a deadlock. And
ing congress a ebanco to act in Feb-
ruary. Reasoning thus, consider-
able masses of the voters will, tend
to get behind that one of the two,
either Devie or Coolidge, who,
the middle of October, seems to
have the greater probability of sue-
cess. There will be a sort of cumu-
lative rolling up of the vote of
whoever seems In the lend. As to
which that will be, whether Cool-
Idge or Davis, only the middle of
October will tell. It is about that
time that sentiment crystallizes and
elections are really determined. At
that time there will be many con-
servative Democrate who would be
willing to vote for Coolidge If that
should seem the surest way to hoop
the election from going into con-
gress: and many conservative Re-
publicans who would be willing to
vote for Davis, if that should seem
the surest way.
The Democratien" strategy goes
along wholly different lines. In
Democratic strategy there is this
year, as in all years, an element of
geography Democratic party strat-
it begins with the fact that *in the
solid eouth the Democrats have st
least 114. and possibly 165. out of
the needed 266 electoral votes, to
start with, and that for the rest
they should, an a rule, concentrat 1
either on the west or on the east
Democratic policy usually goes ,n
the theory that they have two
chances to win: one with the sou’n
plus the west, the other with the
south plus the east. It is a mat-
ter of choosing which to make their
“drive" la.
In making their decloion this year
whether to try for the west or the
east, the Democrats seem to, have
hesitated come In the beginning;
but, ft now seems probable, will fi-
nally determine to make their ef-
fort in the east. To have chosen
Bryan, as their candidate for vice
president would seem superficially
to have reflected aa intention to
make their drive inthe west. Uns
less th. Democrats intended to try
hard for the west, Bryan could be
no asset to them. On the contrary,
ho would be e detriment if the main
Democratic drive war to be made in
the eastern states. The fact about
this, however, I* that the choice of
Bryan ne the vice presidential ean.
didate was not a deliberate stroke
of policy. It was done with aa II»-
tie deliberation as vice presidential
nominations ere usually made—-
with as little as the nomination of
Dawes ae the vice presidential can-
didate by the Republicans. The
choice of Brian was made In a brief
space of three hours, when the con-
vention and the leaders were In a
spirit of tired let-down after the
prolonged deadlock over the prest-
dentist nomination.
Even as late as the last at Sep
tember the Democrats seemed OS-
determined Whether to mahe their
chief campaign in the west or hi the
east. Davis' present trip through
the west would seem to suggest an
intention of making the mein drive
in that territory. But this again to
superficial. Davis’ presence in Chi
eago, with his occasional excursions
farther west, will show its benefits
not so much In the territory west
of the Mississippi ae in the farther
east states of Illinois. Indians and
Ohio. Moreover, this trip of Devin
to the west is short compared to the
time he will spend inter "on in the
east. It ie short, also, compared lo
the time that other Democrats can
didates for the presidency in pre.
vious years have spent In the west
In 1920 Cox spent more then one
full month west of the Mississippi
river, mahing a complete tour from
the Mississippi to the Pacific coast
and back. That tour was recog-
nlaed at the time by those of us
who thought we understood politi-
cal strategy as e mistake: and’it
wee so recognized later by Cox him:
self, when, out of the entire terri-
tory west of the Mississippi among
all the seventeen states through
which he traveled, Cox carried not
one state.
This year, however, the Demo-
crate may have hesitated at the be-
sinning of the campaign. It is probe
able now they are not going to tr/
greatly for the west, if anybody
la to make headway against Cool-
ldge in the west It will be La Fol-
lette, and the Democrats will leave
it to him. From now on the Demo:
cratic drive will be in the tasty and
ths theory of Democratic success
will rest on the hops' of adding to
the southern states enough of the
northern and eastern states to make
up the necessary 266 electoral votes.
This is as much as saying that
the Democratic strategy looks to
carrying New York state. For with-
out New York, with its 45 electoral
votes, the Democrats can hardly
win enough other northern and
eastern states to win the election.
- The eastern states, meaning by
that New York, New Jersey, Dota-
ware. Maryland and New England,
compose w hat the Democratic
strategists call, after a terin used in
the war, ‘the eastern salient." * It
la this that ie likely to be their ob-
jective during the remainder of the
fighting.
In choosing the east as their ob-
jective this yeer the Democrats are
under a handicap compared With
previous year. That ilea la the fact
that the Republican candidate this
year comes from New England. To
a great extent this fact makes it
harder for the Democrats to carry
ear of the New England states. But
if the Democrats can carry New
York It ie possible for them, under
certain combinations, to win with-
out any of the New England states
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the people are made Inquiet by the
more thought of a deadlock and the
possible complications that may nc-.
complete faith in the superior at-
tractiveness of their candidate, de-
plore the notion of attacking Cool- _____-__________
ldge directly, and counsel a cam- company It. The result will be that
paign of attack on the Republican
party «• a party, with emphasis on
the corruption that has occurred
within that party.
there will be
a tendency about the
middle of October for considerable
masses of voters to make their de-
cision on how to vote on this one
Autumn
ashion
In any event the conscious strat-
egy of the Republicans Is to sit
tight behind Coolidge, and refrain
from making any offensive against
aspect of the campaign. They will
want to make sure that either Davl»
dr Coolidge la elected decisively at
the November election, without giv-
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Wichita Daily Times (Wichita Falls, Tex.), Vol. 18, No. 124, Ed. 1 Sunday, September 14, 1924, newspaper, September 14, 1924; Wichita Falls, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1680071/m1/19/: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Texas State Library and Archives Commission.