The Crisis! (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 6, Ed. 1 Monday, August 27, 1860 Page: 1 of 4
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THE
CRISIS!
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' "HIE rnvsTiT!TTTft% ivn thi? r^iiiiiTV nrTHMM imi ^«ESR t«E §¥«BOLS OF EVURLASTIIKG IJXIOX. LET THESE BE THE
RALLYING CRIES OF THE PEOPLE."—BrcckinridgcN Letter of Aceeptance.
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\ YOL. 1.
GALVESTON, AUGUST 27, 1860.
No. 6.
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PUBLISHED WEEKLY
v —during tiie presidential campaign—
by
RICHARDSON <fc CO.,
GALVESTON NEWS OFFICE.
subscription payable in advance—50 cents.
For President,
HON. JOHN G. BBECXINRIDGE,
OP KENTUCKY.
For Vice President-
HON. JOSEPH LANE,
op oregon.
electors for the state at large.
col. M. D. GRAHAM, Gen. T. N.' WAUL.
first district,
Col. A. T. RAINEY.
second district,
Col. JOHN A. WHARTON.
The right of property in a Slave is distinctly
and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. * * "
No word cari oe found in the Constitution, which gives
Congress a greater power over slave property, or which
em i lies property of that kind to less protection than
property of any other description. The only power
conferidla the*power coupled-with the duty, of guard-
ing and protecting the owner in his rights.—U. S.
Supr,'iie Court—Drcd Scott Decision.
ii truth, justice and the constitution."
Calhoun.
platform of the national democracy,
As reported at the Charleston Convention by the majority
of the Committee on Platform, voted for there by the Fif-
teen Southern States and by California and Oregon, and
adopted at Baltimore by the Convention that nominated
Breckinridge and Lank •
Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic
Party at Cincinnati' be affirmed, with the following explana-
tory Resolutions:
1st. That the government of a Territory organized by an
act of Congress, is provisional and temporary, and during its
existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal
right to settle with their property in the Territory without
their rights either of person or property being destroyed or
impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation.
2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Government in all
its departments, to protect when necessary the rights of per-
son and property in the Territories, and wherever else its
constitutional authority extends.
3d. That when settlers in a Territory, having an adequate
population, form a constitution in pursuance of law, the
rio-lit of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by
admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing
with the people of other States ; amfthe State thus organized
ou<dit to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its
constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery.
4th. That the Democratic party are in favor of the ac-
quisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be
honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest prac-
tical moment.
5th. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat
the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile
in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolution-
ary in their effect.
♦5th. That the Democracy of the United States recognize
it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the
naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in
foreign lands, to the same extent as its native born citizens.
Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a
political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a
speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic
coasts, Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge
themselves to use every means in their power to secure the
nftsesage of some bill to the extent of the Constitutional au-
thority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific Rail-
road from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the
earliest practical moment.
A Passage in the Life of* John Bell.
The 20th of December, 1837, was a memorable day
in Congress. It was then that the system of anti-
slavery agitation, which has been since so persistently
kept up, was fairly inaugurated in that body. Mr.
Slade, of Vermont, moved to refer two memorials
praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Col-
umbia, to a select committee, and obtaining the floor
on that motion proceeded to deliver a most inflamma-
tory abolition harangue. Repeated efforts were made
by southern members to prevent the progress of the
speech by calls to order and motions to adjourn. But
Slade having the floor, refused to yield it, and was
suffered to proceed. The excitement was inténse. Mr.
Wise of Va., Mr. Holsey, of Ga., Mr. Rhett, of S. C..
and perhaps others, called upon the delegations from
their respective States at once to withdraw from the
House, and notice was given by the last named gen-
tleman of an immediate meeting of the Southern mem-
bers in the Committee Room of the District of Col-
umbia. At last, Mr. McKay, of N. C., made a point
of order which the Speaker sustained, and Mr. Slade
was forced to give way, still, however, keeping his
feet, with the intention of resuming his speech if pos-
sible. Mr. Rencher, another member from North
Carolina, seized the opportunity thus afforded of get-
ting the floor and moved an adjournment. The con-
test had been bitter and violent to the last degree,
and the House was in a tempest. The South and the
conservative men of the North voted for the adjourn
ment, while Slade and his backers opposed it. The
list of nays was headed by John Quincy Adams, and
numbered sixty-three, among whom was included the
whole abolition strength of the House. Three nomi-
nal Southern jnen only voted against adjourning, so
as to enable Slade to continue his speech. They were
Milligan of Delaware, White of Kentucky, and John
Bell of Tennessee, the Union candidate for the Presi-
dency. ~ '■
The meeting of Southern members was held, and it
was proposed to at oncc abandon their seats in Con-
gress and return to their constituents, but moderate
counsels prevailed and their deliberations ended in
the adoption of a proposition to be submitted to the
House, which was afterwards known as the 21st Rule.
It provided that all petitions in respect to the aboli-
tion of slavery, after being first received, should,
without being debated, printed, read or referred, lie
laid on the table. This was put in the hands of Mr.
Patten of Va., and by him introduced into the House.
Mr. Adams opposed its passage and Mr. Patten de-
manded the previous question. The same sixty-three,
including Mr. Bell, voted against the previous ques-
tion. The resolution finally passed, 122 to 74, Mr.
Bell not voting. The same question came up in the
previous Congress, and Mr. Bell, so long as he con-
tinued a member, invariably voied with the North
against the South.—Eufala, Ga., Spirit.
The Indications.
Webster on Property in the Territories.—" We
have always gone upon the grounjd that these Terri-
torial Governments were in a state of pupilage, under
the protection or patronage of the General Govern-
ment. The Territorial Legislature has a constitution
prescribed by Congress. They lave no power not
given by that Congress. They ifust act within the
limits of the constitution granted; them by Congress,
or else their acts become void. Tae people under a
Territorial Government are not a sovereignty ; they
do not constitute a sovereignty, and do not possess
any of the rights incident to sovereignty. They arc,
if you so please to denominate it, ii a state of inchoate
government and sovereignty. If we will consider
this question upon the ground of oir practice during
the last half century, I think we will find one way of
disposing of it. It is our duty to provide for the peo-
ple of the Territory a government'to keep the peace,
to secure their property, and to ¡assign to them a
subordinate legislative authority ; io see that the pro-
tection of their persons and the security of their pro-
perty are all regularly provided for; and to maintain
them in that state until they grow into sufficient im-
portance, in point of population, to be admitted into
the Union as a State upon the samp footing with the
original States. It seems to me th it that is all our
duty. I shall most readily concur n anything which
tends to the performance of that duty. But I cannot
go into any general discussion about the rights of the
people while under the territorial government, and do
more than they are permitted to do by that Constitu-
tion which creates a government over them."
Every day our exchanges show accessions of strength
to Breckinridge and Lane. It is not a boisterous
movement, but the accretion, produced by conviction.
No sane man of moderate views and considerate pa-
triotism could possibly object to the ticket. All con-
sidérate patriots in the South see and feel the necessity
of the South sustaining her men and opposing the
doctrine, (as the issue has been forced) that the South-
ern States are not equal members of the Confederacy.
If the issue upon popular sovereignty in the territor-
ies could have been avoided, it has, at present, no
practical importance—none whatever—but as it is
forced upon us, aud we have to decide it, we must de-
cide in accordance with our convictions of abstract
right, and our own rights. The question is not inter-
vention or non-intervention, as Mr. Douglas would like
to have it. The question both as betweeu. Breckin-
ridge and Lincoln, and Breckinridge and Douglas is—
are the people of the South entitled to go into the ter-
ri lories on equal terms with other members of the
Confederacy. Had Mr. Douglas been nominated by
the united Democratic National Convention, he would
not have made this issue. It would have been held in
abeyance; but uq,w he rides upon this doctrine Of
popular sovereignty to conciliate people with free soil
tendencies, and upon non-intervention, popular with
large masses of the Southern people, to catch the votes
of the reflecting and patriotic. He has two catch
words, with which he expects to cut in opposite direc-
tion.';, and make his way among two widely different
classes of voters.
The popular sovereignty doctrino meets favor no
where in the South. The non-intervention does, when
not qualified by the advocacy of the other doctrine by
the same person. Non-intervention by itself, not viti-
ated with the alliance of popular sovereignty, is the
doc.trino of a largo portion of tho Southern people,
and of Mr. Breckinridge among others; but the pres-
ent issue is : shall avowed opponents of the South get
control of the National Government—or shall those
who indirectly strike at Southern equality in the
Union, have control—or shall the South give her un-
divided support to those Avho stand upon the issue, that
the property rights of the Southern people are to be
left unassailed, either directly or indirectly ; and the
affairs of the National Government be carried on for
the purely National purposes for which it was organi-
zed and empowered; interfering not at all with the
property interests or industrial pursuits of any section,
except in case of necessity, to protect any and all
from foreign assault.—Clarksville (Texas) Standard.
The Candidates.—There were nine gentlemen be-
fore the National Democratic Convention at Charles-
ton, for the Presidential nomination, viz :—Messrs.
Hunter, Guthrie, Johnson of Tennessee, Douglas,
Dickinson, Lane, Toucey, Davis, and Pearce of Mary-
land. Since the Baltimore nominations, they have de-
clared their preferences as follows :
For Major Breckinridge.—1. Hon. R. M. T. Hunter.
2. Gen. Jo. Lane. 3. Hon. James Guthrie. 4. Hon.
Andrew Johnson. 4. Col. Jefferson Davis. 6. Hon.
Isaac Toucey. 7. Hon. James A. Pearce. 8. Hon.
Daniel S. Dickinson.
For Judge Douglas.—1. Hon. Stephen A. Douglas.
Of the gentlemen prominently mentioned in con-
nection with the Democratic nomination, but who
wore not voted for at Charleston, nearly every one
have expressed a preference for Breckinridgo and
Lane. Among them are Ex-Gov. Wise, Ex-Speaker
Orr, Senator Hammond, Ex-President Pierce, Senator
Slidell, Secretary Thompson, Senator Bright, Hon.
Howell Cobb and Senator Bayard.
Ex-Senator Soule—Mons. Soule is now a Squat-
ter. He used to be a Red Republican. But be-
tween his Republicanism and his Squatterism, he was
a good southern Democrat, as will be seen by the fol-
lowing proviso, which lie offered in the United States
Senate, on the 31st of July, 1850, as an amendment to
the bill for establishing a territorial government in
Utah :
" Provided, That the Legislature shall have no power
in any manner to interfere with the establishment or
the abolition of slavery within the limits of the said
Territory, but shall provide for the protection of snch
property there as is recognized by the Constitution of
the United States.—Can. Globe, vol. 22, p. 1484.
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The Crisis! (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 6, Ed. 1 Monday, August 27, 1860, newspaper, August 27, 1860; Galveston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth181139/m1/1/: accessed June 29, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.