The Congressional Globe, Volume 14: Twenty-Eighth Congress, Second Session Page: 247

                                
CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
24t
and he would vote for it. He was willing that the
incoming administration should take this subject up,
and negotiate about it. if Texas was to come into
the Union at all, let it come under the con-
s'itution, and not ia any unconstitutional man-
ner—a manner never' attempted heretofore, or
contemplated by the framers of the constitution
—although the distinguished senator from Missis-
sippi [Mr. Walker] seemed to think it a very clear
case that there was nothing unconstitutional about
it. That senator might have satisfied his own mind
upon that point; but others—not himself, of coursc,"
—equally competent to come to a correct conclusion
upon that question, differed very widely from him.
They had shows), in their discussions, very great
ability, both (hose who opposed it and those who
advocated it upon constitutional grounds. He
hoped this bill would take the ordinary course, and
go to the Committee on Foreign Relations. He did
not think the Senate ought to object to that refer-
ence.
Mr. RIVES rose to inquire if a day had yet been
indicated for the consideration of the report of the
Committee on Foreign Relations.
Mr. MORKHEAD replied that the chairman of
that committee had intimated that, if the Senate
should not suggest any other day, he would call it
up on Tuesday next.
Mr. RIViiS said he desired the information only
in order to enable him to appreciate the probability
of having a report from the Committee on Foreign
Relations upon this new proposition in time to be
acted upon, when the general subject should come
up for consideration before the Senate. He would
himself be most unwilling to vote for the ref-
erence of this proposition to the Committee on
Foreign Relations, if he believed that the
object, or the effect of that reference, would be to
smother this proposition, or to withdraw it at all
from the consideration of the Senate, when the gen-
eral subject should come up for discussion. But the
Senate had understood from both of the gentlemen
on the floor, members of that committee, [Messrs.
Berrien and Mori,head,] that they had no such
purpose; on the contrary, that they saw much 111
the new asnect of this subject to commend it to the
serious and unprejudiced consideration of the com-
mittee.
His honorable friend from Mississippi [Mr.
Walker] had treated this bill as identical m princi-
ple with the proposition or joint resolutions from the
House of Representatives, contemplating, in the
end, both the one and the other, the incorporation
of a portion of the territory of Texas as a State into
this Union. Bnt surely the honorable senator had
not examined very carefuPy these propositions, or he
would have foutid a most material difference be-
tween the proposition of the honorable senator
from Missouri and the resolutions from the House
of Representatives. It was true, that both looked
ultimately to the incorporation of Texas, or a por-
tion of that republic, as a State into this Union.
But when? and how? The proposition of the sen-
ator from Missouri declares expressly on its
face that a portion of that territory is [to be admitted
as a state; but when? "As soon as the terms of that
admission, and of the cession of the remaining por-
tion of the territoiy of Texas, shall have been
agreed upon between the governments of the two
republics.""
In what manner did the honorable mover of this
proposition contemplate having these terms agreed
upon and settled' Not, as in the resolutions of the
House of Representatives, by the action of the
legislatures of the two republics, but by the ordina-
ry agency of the treaty-making power. For the
purpose of defraying the expenses of missions and
negotiations necessary to that end, an appropriation
was made in the bill of $100,000. He considered
this proposition, therefore, in its most material
bearings, as essentially distinct from the proposition
which had come from the House of Representa-
tives, and which had been reported upon adversely
by the Committee on Foreign Relations.
He repeated, that if he believed this new prop-
osition was in any manner affected or prejudiced
by the report which had come to the Senate fiom
the Committee on Foreign Relations: if he believed
there was any intention on their part to smother, or
withdraw it from the cousideration of the Senate
when the general subject should come up, he would
not favor the leference proposed; for he did not hes-
itate to say, without committing himself in re-
gard to his future action, that the proposition
itself was conceived in a far more cautious,
and, in his -humble judgment, considerate
and provident spirit than any proposition
which had yet been submitted" to this body. His
honorable friend from Louisiana [Mr. Barrow] had
suggested a modification which might render'it ac-
ceptable even to him, notwithstanding the strong ob-
jections which had fallen from him the other day—
that by striking out the alternative provision in re-
gard to submitting the agreement which should be
entered into, to the two Houses of Congress, in-
stead of the Senate, for ratification. In that event,
it might possibly command even his favorable con-
sideration. There was yet another shape to be giv-
en to that part of the bill, which might render it still
more acceptable; and that was, to provide for sub-
mittir^ the agreement, first, to the Senate, as a
branch of the treaty-making power, to be ratified ac-
cording to the forms of the constitution; and then
to submit it to both branches of Congress, for the
exercise of their legislative power in carrying it in-
to execution.
In his humble judgment he did not hesitate to say
now, that if the annexation ofTexas was ever to be
accomplished—without producing evils as a prece-
dent, and especially to the South, far outweighing all
possible advantages—it could only be done by a
faithful observance of the fundamental provisions of
the constitution, which required for its consum-
mation the combined action of both the treaty-ma-
kirig and legislative powers of the government. This
proposition, so guarded, would undoubtedly present
itself to the Senate in a commanding aspect, and was
calculated to challenge a respectful and favorable
consideration from both sides of the chamber. In
one thin? he entirely agreed with the senator from
Missouri—that the joint resolution of the House of
Representatives would encounter insuperable objec-
tions on the part of Texas, and be rejected by her,
even if passed here. He made these observations
only for the purpose of assuring the honorable gen-
tleman from Ohio, as well as the distinguished sena-
tor from Missouri, that it was no purpose of his, or,
as he believed, of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
to suppress or evade this proposition, or delay ac-
tion upon it; but, on the contrary, there was an ear-
nest and bona fide purpose to bestow upon every
grave proposition connected with" the subject the
most careful and deliberate consideration. For one,
he could assure gentlemen there was no disposition
on his part to shrink from any responsibility con-
nected with this subject. He was ready and impa-
tient to meet it. fie thought it most consistent
with the grave character of the proposition, and the
high importance of the subject, that it should go to
the Committee on Foreign Relations, and receive
their unbiased consideration, and be presented to
the Senate again, as he understood the honoiable
gentleman [Mr. Berrien] who supplied the place
of the chairman of that committee, to say, in sea-
son to be considered by the Senate at the same time
with the report yesterday made from the Committee
on Foreign Relations.
Mr. BAGBY said he would not go into the merits
of this proposition, much less into the merits of all
the propositions which had been submitted upon
this great and interesting question. He should con-
tent himself with a very few reasons why this ref-
erence should not be made. He had been in the
habit of voting for a reference of these subjects to
the appropriate standing committees of the Senate;
and if he could flatter himself with the belief now
that the great object designed to be accomplished by
this bill would be at all accelerated by its reference
to the Committee on Foreign Relations, nothing
would afford him more pleasure than to give it that
direction. But it was necessary to inquire into the
circumstances by which we were surrounded. In
the first place, as the senator from Ohio had re-
marked, theie were but twenty-five or twenty-six
days of the session left, within which this, as well
as a variety of other important matters, Lad to be
disposed of.
If this subject was so important as gentlemen con-
sidered it, he asked if it was possible to give it in
committee, and afterwards in the Senate, that delib-
erate consideration to which the importance awarded
to it on all sides would seem to require? In this he
was only admonished by the lessons of experience.
However much he might be mistaken in reference
to other questions, there was one thing in which he
could not be mistaken—that a majority of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations were not friendly to the
great question of annexing Texas to the United
States. For that reason alone he should object to
giving this bill the direction now proposed to be giv-
en to it. But lie had another reason for resisting
that reference. That committee, with all Jts
intelligence, with all its diligent application to bu-
siness, and with all its desire to promote the good of
the country, had stood in—what relation to this
body and the country for the last two months?
Why they had had this very question, in every form
in which it could be presented to them, under delib-
erate consideration; they had come forward within
the last day or two with a report, (he had not seen
it, but he had understood that this was the issue to
which they came,) tending to show that this whole
subject, in any form in which it had been presented
in either House of Congress, ought not to be acted
upon at the present session of Congress! What,
then,' was to be accomplished by the reference?
Nothing, in his judgment. Far be it from him to
impute to the committee any intention to smother
the question, or intentionally give it the go-by; but
if the effect of the reference should be the same, he
asked what object could be gained by the reference?
He accorded to the senator from Missouri [Mr.
Benton] "much sagacity, and much statesmanship;
and ho hoped he would be permitted to say that,
upon all questions of this character, he had as much
respect for his opinion as he could possibly have for
any living man; but he could not think that, at this
late stage of the session, there was anything in his
proposition that had not suggested itself to the con-
sideration of the Committee on Foreign Relations
before this time. From the introduction of this ques-
tion here, and from the beginning of its agitation
throughout the country, every senator knew that
public opinion had been doubtful upon it. Some,
like his honorable friend from Louisiana, [Mr. Bar-
row,] opposed it from the deepest conviction of its
inexpediency. Some were equally decided in its
favor. These were two classes; but there was a
third class, which had doubted more as to
the mode than as to the merits of the
measure itself. From the commencement of the agi-
tation, then, of this question, all these inquiries as
to the mersure itself, and as to the mode of annex-
ation, had been fully in the mind and consideration
of every senator. The time, therefore, forinvestiga-
tion—the time for discussion had gone by. If any-
thing was to be accomplished at present, the time
for action had come. It was said, however, that
something might be effected by the Committee, on
Foreign Relations. Perhaps a majority of the Sen-
ate might be united upon this question, and harmo-
ny and unanimity of opinion produced throughout
the country. Now, he was a plain man, and
judged some little of the future by the past. If
that committee had been disposed to do so,
he asked if they could not, in the time which
they had had this subject ujider consideration,
and with their range of information and
intelligence, have found out some means by which
a platiform could have been erected, upon which all
the friends of annexation could stand? They had
labored two months without being able to devise
such a mode, and was it likely that they would ren-
der this a platform upon which all might unite?
He must be permitted to say, with all respect,
that, in the form in which the proposition was now
submitted,lie had not been induced to hope for or
expect much assistance from the Committee on For-
eign Relations; and if he had not mistaken an hon-
orable senator, who was now in his eye, he inferred
that there was but one solitary individual upon that
committee who was m favor of the annexation
of Texas to the United States in any of the
modes suggested during the present session
of Congress. If that was true, then, he would
take it for granted that upon this proposition, so far
as the annexation of Texas was concerned, we
should find the Committee on Foreign Relations
now, precisely as we did when they presented to the
Senate the result of their deliberations—that was,
four to one. He should "have been gratified if all
those interesting investigations of the committee
could have resulted in a plan upon which all sena-
tors might unite. He, for one, had never viewed
this as a party question. He had never viewed it
as a local question; and he should never view it as
a sectional question. He knew there were consid-
erations m it deeply concerning the section of the
Union from which he came; but when he came to
legislate for the addition of another nation to this,
North, South, East, and West, were all the same to
him. He was for the whole country, and not for
sections of the country. He was for the country,
and nothing but the country. '
Mr. COLOrUITT made some suggestions as to $