The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 113
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Jan. 1844.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
H3
28th Cong 1st Sess.
Abolition Petitions—Mr. Bidlack.
H. of Reps*
into service, and the places of the unharnessed horses
were filled by a draft from the heated and admiring
multitude. Hurried along thus, General Jackson
saw at once the extremes into which passion and ex-
. citeijient might too soon betray a clamorous and de-
voted populace; and rising—as he was well capable
of doing—above his own offended pride, and the
force of his feelings, he composed himself and calmed
his irritated audience. In a speech which overshad-
ows all the green and verdant laurels he had then
so lately won in battle, and which still comes to us
mellowed and sanctified by its patriotism, its justice,
truth, and moderation, he nobly vindicated the su-
premacy of the law, and soothed the angry prssions
of the crowd by virtually exculpating the judge un-
der whose decree hew^as smarting. With a true
Roman firmness, "he implored them to run into no
excesses," and begged that they would assent, "as
he most freely did, to the decision which had just
been pronounced against him." "In the arduous
necessity imposed upon me," he exclaimed, "of de-
fending this important and interesting city, imperi-
ous circumstances compelled me either to jeopard
those importantinterests that were confided to me, or
to take upon myself the responsibility of those meas-
' ures which have been termed high-handed—but which
I thought absolutely essential for defence. Thus
situated, I did not hesitate—I could not; I risked all
consequences, and you have seen me meet the penalty
of my aggression, and bow with submission to the
sentence of the law. * * * * If the offence with
which I am now charged had not been committed,
' the laws by which I have been punished would not
now exist. Sincerely do I rejoice in their mainten-
ance and safety, although the first vindication of
their violated supremacy has been evinced in the
punishment of myself."
In all this there is no equivocation or evasion.
General Jackson speaks of the "penalty" and the
"sentence" of the law; and he rejoices in their "su-
premacy" at a moment when they had just been
"vindicated" by which he chose to call his indi-
vidual "punishment."
It will not do to say that the "menacing" dispo-
sition of the multitude, who thronged and caressed
him whilst they threatened violence to the person of
his judge, induced General Jackson to conceal his
feelings, the better to soothe and avert their indig-
nation. He was never wont to treat his injuries,
real or supposed, on any such system of refined
forbearance. Nor did he doubt his easy ability to
command his followers, and inspire them with his
sentiments and purposes in whatever channel he
might wish to direct them. If he did not, therefore,
spare his own faults, though they were the faults
of "necessity," he would have been less likely, from
the natural impetuosity of his temper, to spare the
tyranny and oppression of another, under whatever
cloak of authority they might have been veiled; and
Judge Hall owes it to the honest convictions and
the virtuous submission of a conqueror, more than to
his supposed clemency, that the voice which stayed
the arm of popular fury, did not proclaim his judi-
cial guilt and his wanton oppression. Even the
faithful biographer, who notes these memorable
events with more than his ordinary zeal "and elo-
quence, and who could not have been ignorant of
General Jackson's bad opinions of any one, or in-
different to his wrongs, avoids all historical cen-
sure, and contents himself by recording, in a very
few words, a public "impression," which ascribed
the conduct of Judge Hall more to his "spleen than
anything else."
What then—Jet me ask in sincere deference ar.d
condecension—what becomes of the fears and the
virtuous apprehensions that prompted the commit-
tee to digest and report the amendment we are now
discussing? I make the inquiry without intending
to blame or impugn the motives that governed the
honorable gentlemen who compose that committee.
All necessity, I answer, is obviated, when we stop
to examine a witness whose testimony puts to flight
forever all shadow of doubt, leaving the unoffending
dead to the quiet possession of the peaceful grave,
and the living to that voluntary bounty which a na-
tion is free to give. The clamor and the condem-
nation of partisan friends, nor the misguided sensi-
bilities of those who sit in higher places, and who
fastidiously refuse a favor they are the first to so-
licit, unless it be bestowed on their own terms and
in their own chosen words, will not deter me from
placing my seal on the bill in the form it now pos-
sesses. There is in its reading nothing to defile the
record of our country, and I cannot agree to expend
more public time, by helping te add an amendment,
(8)
which may cause the rejection of the bill, and the
future renewal of a controversy that has already
cost the country more than five times the amount ot
money staked upon the approaching decision of the
Senate.
Mr. President, I do not desire to say much about
the motives of some of those who suggested the
introduction and discussion of this bill. I was far
away from here when a knowledge of the measure
first reached my ears; and I had not, at that time, a
voice in the deliberation of this body. But I was
not long in forming my opinion on the subject; and
aside from my convictions of the strict propriety of
restoring the fine the moment it was solicited by
General Jackson's friends, I could not help thinking
how wise it would be in my political associates at the
Capitol to give the coup dt grace to the whole strata-
gem, by freely assenting to the passage of the law.
Gentlemen on the pther side of the chamber may
smile at these remarks if they please. They know
how much weight they are entitled to; and I imagine
some of them believed, with me, that a dead lion was
not without its terrors; and that some political capital
might be made by the bill, if it were opposed or re-
jected by a whig Congress. Let it go now, sir. I
have seen enough of it, and have no objection. I
shall satisfy myself, if I do not gratify the friends of
the measure, by voting to keep down all immaterial
obstructions, facilitating the passage of the law, and
relieving the country forever from the agitation it
has produced.
REMARKS OF MR. BIDLACIv,
OP PENNSYLVANIA,
In the House of Representatives, January 11 and 12,
1844.—On the subject of abolition petitions;
the question being the motion of Mr. A. V.
Brown to recommit the report of the Select
Committee on the Rules to the said committee;
which motion Mr. Black of Georgia had moved
to amend by adding thereto instructions to the
said committee to report back to the House the
rule commonly known as the 21st rule, (i. e. that
which excludes abolition petitions.) Mr. Rhett
of South Carolina having concluded—
Air. BIDLACK next obtained the floor, and
spoke as follows: Sir, (said Mr. B.) I have risen
from the impulse of the moment, to express my
concurrence in many of the views of the gentleman
from South Carolina, and, at the same time, to pro-
test most earnestly against some of the positions
which he has taken, and, above all, against that
want of forbearance and moderation which he seemed
to inculcate. Mr. B. did not believe there was that
growing and manifest hostility to the Union which
had been represented. Nothing but an imperious
sense of duty could have induced him to offer him-
self to the attention of the House at this moment;
especially, as he felt in a great measure undecided
in his own mind as to the course it would he proper
for him to take. He had listened to the gentleman
who had jast resumed his seat, in the hope of hear-
ing some argument sufficiently strong to justify him
in continuing to go with the South as he had done in
the last, and thus far in the present Congress. His
object at this time was, not so much to debate the
merits of a question which seemed likely to be-
come one of vital importance, as to make a public
declaration of what would probably be his future
course, and to present some of the reasons which
would induce him to pursue it; and he did this chiefly
to avoid the necessity of many private and some
public explanations hereafter.
It was well known that he bad uniformly voted in
favor of the rule which excluded abolition memo-
rials from the House; and he should still continue
to do so, could he be convinced that he could con-
tinue to have the approbation of his own conscience,
and be assured of the undivided support of the
South. But, sir, (said Mr. B.,) I am not assured
of either. Who could say the continuance of the
rule was a measure that met the hearty concurrence
of all those who represented themselves as par-
ties most interested in the matter.' That they
claimed to fell so deep an interest in it, none
could question who had listened to the gentle-
man who had just addressed the House; for that
gentleman considered the question as of such deep
importance that on it hung in a great measure the
continuance of the Union. One would suppose, from
his remarks, that the existence of the Republic turn-
ed on the question now under consideration. This
seemed to be the feeling not only from the course of
remark indulged in here, but from indications which
began to appear in a portion of the public press.
He regretted having met in a paper of much eefeb-
rity in this city (the Spectator) with an article from
the pen of a gentleman who did not usually look
merely on the surface of things, in which he found
language very similar to that which had just fallen
from the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr.
Rrett.] After an eloquent description of the 8th
January, the article went on as follows: [Mr. B.
here quoted from the article, alternately reading and
commenting as he proceded-.] The article in ques-
tion says, "but will the Union endure?" To this,
Mr B. would answer, with full confidence in the
patriotism of the great mass of the people, both
South and North, yes, sir, yes; it will endure!!
But the same article goes on to say: "Perhaps our
minds have become morbid, by hearing the eternal
questioning of its continuance in the House of
Representatives during this Congress. Perhaps we
are low in spirits, or perhaps too high; but now,
whilst nature is all calm, and would seem to 'Jise
up and bless us,' the doubt of the long continuance
of our united Government presses upon our heart.
The tongues and the hands of men are now busy,
where hitherto it was supposed saerilege to touch."
Mr. Speaker, has it come to this? have we fallen
upon such perilous times that the Representatives of
the people in this hall cannot differ on a question of
expediency, as to the adoption of rules for their own
Government without endangering the Union? No,
sir, no; it is not in the power of politicians thus (o
put this glorious Republic in danger. But sir, the
article I am commenting on does not stop here; it
goes on to say: "Members of Congress seem colder
to cach other. They sit in silence, watching, appa-
rently, in stern eagerness. No cordiality—no friend-
liness—no confidence. But suspicion and dissatis-
faction seem resting on their brows, whilst cold dis-
dain and sarcastic smiles often settle around their
lips. They do not appear to us to be brethren of
the same political family, but rather discontented
and jealous foes." I appeal (said Mr. B.) to the
members of this House, to know if this representa-
tion of their manners and feelings be correct: if it be,
I, for one, have been in happy ignorance of it. I say
in happy ignorance; for, as Str Walter Scott has re-
marked of the French revolution, when all is dark in
a state, and behind the present evils nothing of hope
is to be cherished, then "ignorance is bliss, and it is
folly to be wise." The article concludes by rep-
resenting the setting sun as a type of our Union;
and with the prayer, "thus too, when it sinks, may
our glorious confederacy go down." The gentle-
man from South Carolina, who has addressed us so
eloquently, closes by saying, "Union or no Union,
the South will be free." I beg the gentleman to
pause and reflect what kind of freedom he can
promise to himself or to others, after the sun of
our glorious confederacy shall have gone down in
darkness. When the stars and the stripes of tha
Republic are torn in fragments, under what banner
will the gentleman go forth to victory? Ay, sir,
suppose he should find a banner, and victory should
perch upon it: over whom will he obtain that victory?
Gentlemen cannot flatter themselves with dissolution
and freedom, without all the horrors of a civil war.
Mr. B. dwelt on the danger of thus, on all occasions,
lightly calling in question the continnance of the
Union. He referred to the good old times, of which
his father (who had served seven years with Wash-
ington) often spoke to him, when it would have been
held sacrilege even to broach such an idea. Sir, said
he, I invoke gentlemen to come up to the consideration
of this question in a spirit very different from that
which has been exhibited here, and commented
upon with such high-wrought coloring out of doors.
I beg members to act under the influence of the
noble and patriotic feelings which actuated the
bosoms of those who made us a nation. If it be.
true, that the compromises of the Constitution—nay,
the Constitution and the Union itself—are in danger,
will not the people inquire why, m such an ex-
tremity, the linion and the Constitution "could not
be preserved by that spirit of concession and com-
promise in which they were formed? Why shall
not this question be met with the feelings in which
Hancock and Adams met Washington, Madison,
and Jefferson?
As one of the humble Representatives of the
"unpretending" State of Pennsylvania, which some
of you are pleased to term the "Keystone" of this
splendid arch of empires, J can say for myself, and
I doubt not for my colleagues, that we have no de-
sire or wish in this matter but to preserve our true
position, standing erect in the centre, without biiMj
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/123/: accessed April 26, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.