The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session Page: 448
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4iS
28th Cong 1st Sess.
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
Reannexation of Texas—Mr. Tibbatts.
May, 1844.
H. of lieps.
able adjustment between this country, and Mexico,
would receive the united condemnation of all Chris-
tendom. _ But, sir, there is another,way in which
she can interfere, has interfered, and will interfere,
to prevent Mexico from acknowledging the inde-
pendence of Texas, except upon the conditions she
inay prescribe. I beg the attention of the commit-
tee to the remarks of Lord Brougham and Lord
Aberdeen in the House of Lords on the 18th of
August, 1843, reported in the London Morning
Chronicle cf the 19th, as follows:
Ti-vAi—la ihe House of Lords, on Friday, the 18th Au-
gust, Lord Brougham introduced the subject of Texas and
Texan slavery in the following manner, as reported in the
London Morning Chronicle ol the morning of the 12th:
'•Lord Brougham said that, seeing his noble friend at the
head of the Foreign Department in his place, he wished to
obtain some information from him relative to a State of
great interest at the present time—namely, Texas. That
country was m a state of independence, de fa<io, but its in-
dependence had never been acknowledged by Mexico, the
State from which it was torn bj the events of the revolu-
tion. He was aware that its independence hadbeeiiholai
acknowledged 1)) this country that we had a treat} with it.
The importance of Texu-s could not be underrated. It was
a country of the greatest capabilities, and \\asm extent
fully as large as France It possessed a soil of the finest
and moat fertile chrracter, and it was capaple of producing
nearly all tropical produce, and its climate was of a most
healthy character. It had access to the Gull' of Mexico,
through the river Mississippi, -with which it communicated
by means of the Red river. The population of the countiy
was saidto exceed 240,000, but he had been assured by a
gentleman \\ ho came from that country, and who was a
member of the same profession as himself, that the whole
population, tree anislaves, white and colored, did not ex
ceed 100,000, but he was grieved to learn that not less than
one-fourth of the population, or 25,000 persons, were in a
state of slavery. This point led him to the foundation of the
question which he wished to put to his noble friend. Tlieic
was very little or no slave trade carried on with Texas
from Africa, directly; but a large number of slaves were con-
stantly being sent overland to that country Although
the major part of the land m Texas was well adapted for
white laboi, and therefore for free cultivation, still the peo-
ple of that countiy, by bomc strange infatuation, oi by some
inordinate love ot immediate gain, preferred slave labor to
free labor. As all access to ttie African slave market w as
shut out to them, their market for slaves was the Lnited
States, from whence the} obtained a laige supply of negio
slaves. The markets from whence they obtain their snpph
of slaves weic Geoigid, the Carolmas, and Virginia, which
States constantly sent tlicii s>uiplub slave population, which
Would otherwise be a burden to them, to the Texan market
No donbt it was true, as had bevn stated, that the) treated
their slaves toleiabl) well, because they knew that it was
for their interest to reai them, us they had such a profitable
market for them m Texas. This mu'de him irresistibly nr.)-
ious for the abolitivn oj slaves y in Texas; for if it wie ubohs!>■
ed tueie, not oalj would that country be cultivated bvfiee
and white labor, but it would put a .stop to the habit ol"
bleeding slaves for the Texan market: the consequence would
be that they xaould solve tins eat question in the history oj the
United States, for it must ultimately end tu the abolition oj sln-
tery in America lie therefore looked forward most impi-
ously to the abolition of slavery m Texas, as he was con
vinced that it would ultimate!) end in the abolition of slave-
ry throughout the whole of Ameiico He knew that the
2 'exaris would do much, as regarded the abolition of slavery, ij
Mexico could he induced to itcoqmse then independence. Ij,
thei efort, hy our good offici s, we < ould get the ilIcxican govti n-
ment to acknowledge the independence of Texas, he would 'in-
gest a hope that it might terminate in the abolition of slavery in
Texas, and ultimately the luholc oj the southern States ofJimn-
ica. Tile abolition of slavery m Texas muit put an end to
one ot the most execivble crimes dor he would not desig-
nate it by the honorable name of traffic) that conld disgiace
a people—namely, the rem nig and hi ceding of slave* or the
being e-iyaged in the sale ot o ir fellow-creatuies. lie
therefore hoped that his noble fiiend would ha\ e no difficul-
ty in letting him know whether he could g"i\e &ny informa-
tion as to the state of the negotiations on this subject, or as
to the nature of the instructions that had been given to oui
minister in that counti) . if the production of such docu-
ments in the fu/nishmg such information was not suitable
at the present moment, he would not press his noble lriend;
but he had no doubt that his noble fnend could confirm his
statement, and he trusted that the government would not
lose any opportunity of pressing the subject, whenever they
could do so with a hope of success.
The Kail ol Aberdeen, m reply, said that he could state,
that not onlj had this country acknow lodged the independ-
ence of Texas, but also that we had a treaty oi commerce
and a tieatv for the abolition of the slave trade with that
power. li'e did not believe that there was any importation
of slaves into Texas b\ sea, but it v as tiue that there 'ui
a large importation ol slaves from the United States into
that countiy. Immediate!} on the negotiations k-mg enter-
ed on with Texas, the utmost endeavors of this count! v
wort1 used to put an end to the war v. Inch pievuited the
full and entire lecogninou of the independence oi Texas In
.Mexico. Their endeavors h^d nvt with veiy great diilicul-
ties; and he was unable to s iv th.it there was an immediate
step to this had been obtained—namely, that an armistice
had been established between the two powers; and he
hoped that this would lead to the absolute acknowledgment
of the independence of Texas by Mexico Th<-> armistice
was an important step to obtain; and he need hardly soy
that every, effort on the part of her Majesty's government would
lead to that result which was contemplated by his noble Jiiend.
He was sure that he need hardly say that no one was more
anxious than himself to see the abolition of slavery in Tex-
as; $nd if he could pot consent to produce papers, or to
give furthei information, it did not arise fiom indifference,
but from quite a contrary reason. In the nresent state of
the negotiations between the two countries m question, it
would not contribute to the end they had in view it he then
expressed anj opinion as to the state of those negotiations,
but he could assure his noble Jiiend that, by means of urging
the negotiations, as well as by every other means in their power,
her Majesty's ministers would press this i,latter.
Lord Brougham observed tnat nothing could be more snfisfac*
tory than the statement oj his nobleJriend, which would be n-
ceiied with joy by all who were favorable to the object of the
anti-slavery societies.'
Sir, this is a remarkable speech .of my Lord
Brougham, and a Remarkable answer of my Lord
Aberdeen. They are calculated to excite emotions
of the deepest interest throughout this country.
Can any man doubt the intentions of Great Britain
to operate upon Texas through Mexicoj by her
kind counsels and persuasion, backed by the more
forcible argument of eighty millions of debt, "and
by every other means in their power," and through
Texas upon the domestic institutions of this coun-
try> Can any man doubt this foreign and British
interference in our political institutions? Can'any
man believe, for a moment, that the whole weight
of British diplomacy will not be brought to bear
upon our domestic institutions5 If he doubts the
designs of the British ministry upon this subject,
let him read the letter of Lord Aberdeen to the right
honorable Richard Pakenham of the SJGih Decem-
ber, 1843, and let his doubts vahish. Here it is,
sir. I give the whole of it, becutse it is an im-
portant state paper, and is destined to cut a figure in
the discussions on this question.
foufk.x Okmcv, Dec. '20, 1813.
Sir: As much agitation appears to have prevailed of late
in the United States iulative to the designs which Uiut
Britain is supposed to entertain with repaid to the Republic
of Texas, her Majesty's government deem it expedient to
t.ike measuics ioi stopping at once the misrepresentations
which have hren rtrcuhited, and the crrois into which the
government otthe United State* seems to have fallen on the
subject of the policy oi Great J5ntain with respect to Texas.
Thatpoli^} is clear and simple, and inaj be stated in a tew
woids.
Gie3t Britain has recognised the independence of Texas,
aud, having done so, she is <!csiiou^ oi seeing that indepen-
dence final!) and loimail) established, ;mdgenrr dl\ rocog-
msed, especially by Mexico. 15ut this desne does not arise
tioman) motive oi ambition or ot self-iuteiest. be) ond that
inteiest, .it least, which attaches to the geneiel extension ol
our commeicial deahnas w ith othei countries.
We are convinced that the recognition of Texas bj Mexi-
co must conduce to the bivielit ol both these countries; and,
as we take an mien st in the \\ eil-bemg ol'hoth, and m their
steady ad\ .nice mpow ei and wealth, we hav e put ourselves
foiward in piessnig Unj government ol Mexico to acknowl-
edge Texas as independent But in thus acting we hav e no
occult de-.ign, cithei w Hh icference to any peculiar mteiest
which we might seek to establish m Mexico oi in'ft xus, or
even with lefeience 10 the s'atety which now exists, and
which we desire to see abolished hi Trio*.
"With regard to the latter point, it must he and is well
know n both to the Lmted States and to the whole woild,
that Cr} eat li) itain d-mts, and ts constun'ly cao/mif hcuff
to procure, (he ?enei a! abolihonoj sluiau th)ouu,houl the wt-ild.
But the means which she has adopted, and will continue to
adopt, foi this humane and \ ii tuous purpose, are open and
undisguised. She will do nothing secretly oi underhand.
She desires that her motives maybe geneiall} understood,
and her acts seen by all.
f'lth reqard to Tej-at, we avow that we wish to .vi !>lavu 1/
abolished there, as else whet c, and wc should i <joict ij thi > e< ot;-
nition of that count)!/ by the Mexican %ort nvnent tlovld bt ac-
(omi'a-i.ed by an en u°t >„cnt on the. pint of Tesus to abolish
•t'meiy o'enntvlh/. and unde; proper conditions, thio"^hout
the republic Hut although w e earnestly desire and fool it
to be our dut\ to piomote such a consummation, wt shall
not mterteie un July, or with an improper assumption ol au-
thority, with either p' ity, m oider to insuie th(, adoption ol
such a course. V/'e. ah'dl corrtscK bi.t we shall not seek to
compel, cr w duly contiol, either putty. So far as Greot Bntuiu
is concerned, pio\ ided other States i<*t with equal lorbeai-
ancc, those governments will be full} at liberty to nmke
their own unfettered arrangements with each other, both in
regard to the abolition of slavery and m all other points
Uieat Britain, moieover, does not 'leiire to establish m
Texas, whether paitially dependent on Mexico or entirely
independent, (whii li lattei alternative we ccmidei in eveiy
respect piefeiable,") any dommyut influence. She only de-
sires to share her influence equally with ali other nations
Her objects are purely commercial, and she has no thought
or nnentioa of Peking to act <lirectly or iudirectl\, in a
poIU'ca! ense, on the Un.ted Stat'.s th'iough Tex.is
The i.rPish government, «'• the United States well know,
Juve iH-vei sought m anv Wdy to «-tir up disjfteet'on or ex-
citeMient ol dti) km' «n *he sJaveholdmg Stait - ol the
American 1 mou Much as wo should wish to sev tlio^e
States placed on the fnm and solid footing which w c con-
scieiiuousl} believe is to be attun-d l;v ^"neial iree-
dom alone, we have n*'ver. in oni treatment ot them, mdde
any diiference between the slav eholdmg Slid fiee States ol
the Uujoii Ail are. m our eyes, entitled, as component
members of the Union, to equal political respect, favor, and
forbearance on our part To that wne and just policy we
shall continue to adhere; and the governments of the slave-
holding States may be assured that, although we shall not
desist from these open and honest efforts which we have
constantly ma^e for procuring the abolition of slavery
throughout the woild, we shall neither openly norsecretl)
resort to any measure which can tend to disturb their in-
ternal tranquillity, or thereby to afr-ct the prosperity of the
American Umon."
You will communicate tins, de&patch to the United States
, Secretary of State, and, if he should desite it, jou willleave
a copy of it with him. -1 am, 8tc.,
ABEKDELN.
Right Hon. Richard 1'akkkiiam, &c.
What, sir, do the conversation in Parliament and
this letter of Lord Aberdeen amount'to? We will not
force Texas to abolish slavery; we greatly desire,
however, that she shall do so, and we desire to see
it abolished in the United States, but we will not
stir up disaffection in the slaveholding States; we
will use all means of persuasion to induce Texas* to
abolish it; we will be able, through Mexico, and
the terms we will offer to Texas, to place her in a
position that she cannot avoid doing* it; we will
persuade Mexico not to acknowd^e her independ-
ence unless upon conditions prescribed by us; Mex-
ico is our debtor to an amount of many millions, and
dare not do it without our assent; unless the inde-
pendence of Texas is acknowledged by Mexico, the
United States will not annex Texas to that confed-
eracy; Texas, driven from the shelter of her natural
protector, will not be able to resist our blandish-
ments; she will readily fall into our arms; we will
sooth her outraged feelings; we will make her large
promises, and bestow upon her munificient favors;
wc will pay to Mexico all that Mexico can claim of.
her; we will give to Texas ample time to repay us;
we will pay all of her debts, and on that score place
Iter out of trouble; we will ourselves become her
sole creditor, and will be an indulgent creditor, pro-
vided she will follow our counsels; we will go fur-
ther, we will admit her cotton and sugar and other
■productions free into our ports; we will guaranty
her independence; wc will enter into treaties of al-
liance with her, offensive and defensive; in effect,
though not in name, wc will make her a pau of the
British empire, and will erect her into a great nation
by colonizing her beautiful country with our redun-
dant population; we will do all this and ask but lit-
tle comparatively in return—only to admit our man-
ufactures on the most reasonable terms—to prevent
slaves from being brought from the United States,
and gradually to abolish slavery in Texas: thus
we will gam our advantage over the northern man-
ufuctuiers of the United States, aud over the cotton
growing region of the South, and, by destroying the
outlet for the slaves who are now pushed southward
by the encroachriients of free labor, we will hedge in
and pen up their slaves and their increase in so
small a compass as that slavery will become so in-
tolerable a curse in the United States as to result m
a convulsion which will tear out her very vitals, and
overwhelm and bury her in carnage and blood. Is
there a man in this hall who does not see at a glance
through this whole conspiracy of my Lord Aber-
deen and his associates? Sir, it is but a light gauze
which covers these machinations and tactics of Brit-
ish diplomacy. Under such circumstances, can any
man expect that Mexico will surrender her claim to
Texas without the assent of Great Britain, or that
Great Britain will consent to it upon any terms other
than shall in effect reduce Texas to the condition of
a provmcc of that empno, and ultimately result in
disaster to this country, and inevitable* war and
bloodshed? 'Die interests of this country must he
materially affected by any great change in the pol-
icy of Texas; and we arc bound, by motives of self-
preservation, to interfere to prevent it. The citi<:c,k,
of Texas arc anxious to be annexed to the United
States; they have a light to be annexed: the treaty
with Spain, so far as regarded the people uf Texas,
having been made without their consent, and in vio-
lation of the treaty with France, whs wholly void,
as I will take occasion presently to show.
The question of reannexation presents itself in a
two-fold aspect, therefore: 1st, as to its constitution-
ality; and 2d, as to its expediency.
Mr Webster, as I have shown, taken ground
against its constitutionality; hut he stands almobt
alono amongst the eminent men of the nation. Hks'
opinion h opposed to that of Mr. Madison as con-
tained m Ins exposition of the power conferred by
the 3d section of the 4th article of the constitution.
By the 11th aitide of the confederation, provision
was made for the admission of Canada into the con-
federacy, .aid any other colony could have been
admitted by the consent of nine of the State*. When
the constitution was formed, instead of adopting the
11th article of thf confederation in relation to the ad-
mission of Canada and the other colonies, the gen-
eral power was inserted by which it is declared that
"new States may be admitted by the Congress into
this Union." This power is general, and without
restriction; clear, and without ambiguity; perfect and
| complete in itself In the 14th number of the Fed-
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 13, Part 2: Twenty-Eighth Congress, First Session, book, 1844; Washington D.C.. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2368/m1/458/: accessed May 7, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.