The Sunday Gazetteer. (Denison, Tex.), Vol. 6, No. 5, Ed. 1 Sunday, June 5, 1887 Page: 1 of 4
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8
OUI
'ILL BE HERE SOON,
|R SECOND INVOICE OF
SUMMER COODS.
Our Mr. Waterman is now in
Neta York. Look out for Bar-
gains in each department this
coipiog week at the
STOIEe:E3-
VOLUME VI.
(SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS A YEAR , I
J -ONE DOLLAR FOR SIX MONTHS. |
DENISON, TEXAS, SUNDAY, JUNE 5, 1887.
i
m
*■ ... MB
I KNTKRKD AS SKCOND CLASS MATT** i
I AT THE DENISON rostomtll. I
NUMBER 5
SPEECH OF HON. R. Q. MILLS,
B»fnwi th«
United Anti-Prohibition Clubs
OK CORSICANA.
SATURDAY. MAY 21ST. 1887.
“If» better to kM|« (Hr w»lt out rbe lol«S than In
lurntodrairmghifi hn ih and takout after he shall
hitrC|T»tere;ii.’*—Thom a* J*ft*r*<»n,Vi»L Vlii.p.yA.
“fpe (effittituilc powers of gmcrnmrnt extent!
to tufh scut only are injurUnn. to others. Hut
It do** no injury for my neighbor to -ay there ;ire
twenty tiocU or to God. It neither pu ts mv
pocket nor breaks my leg.*' Thomas Jeftcrv»*»,
Vn4.kUi,p.e«k
4th t
«lr«*
THE SPEECH.
Chairman ami Gentlemen : Oil the
ft.
(Mk suine of the reasons whv 1 op{M«
eel tins adoption of the proposed amend-
ment to the constitution, prohibiting tin
manufacture, sale ami exchange of alco-
holic liquors. It was agreed between the
Hons Burnett Gibbs and 1 nr sell ibat my
V was to he reported, And the execu-
mimittce ot the convention, I was
red, adopted a resolution to have a
large number of copies printed Hod dis-
tributed among the people of the .State.
Mr. Gibbs informed me that he had se-
cured the service* ot one of the “best re-
ported In the State, and I supposed it
had Been taken down by hint. Mr. Gildrs
infortned me some days after tl»e adjourn-
ment of the convention that the reporter
he had secured stated to him that he had
lost the stenographic notes and, of course,
the sheerh could not be produced.
The 1'rohibltionUts, it seemed, had a
monopoly of the reporting for our coj-
vention, and could and did report just
what they pleased and just as they pleased,
and there was no counter report to con-
tradict their statements. 1 spoke two
hourj and a half, and the Prohibition re-
porter ha* had printed as my speech what
I could have spoken in less than an hour.
What he has reported is a fraud perpe-
trated on me and on those 1 represent,
and he has wholly omitted all 1 said ot
the duplicity and’ double dealing of Da-
honey, Crantill and others. When intro-
ducing prohibition Into the State they
claimed it to be non-partisan. He left
out dll I saidof Dahoney’t letter to Cran-
fi 11, Informing him that he was a mem-
ber of the executive committee of the
Prohibition party, and that he had accept-
ed the appointment us such, and in the
same letter he directs him trt have Prohi-
bition delegates sent to the State Demo-
cratic Convention, and to demand of the
convention a prohibition plank in the
platform, and when it was refused to
leavo the “whisky concern’’ and to bring
the boys out to the Prohibition party
camp, lie left out all I said about the
imo|nt of alcohoiic liquors consumed in
1840 and the constant decrease of that
amount down ?o the present time lie
left Out all 1 said in answer to the state-
ment of the Prohibitionists that 80,000
people annually fill drunkards’ graves.
He l#tt out all fsaid about them charging
in thieir platform that the Democrats had
nominated* a saloon stump speaker for
governor last year; that their conduct
was an insult to Christianity, and that
the Democratic party was In league with
syndicates and corporations. Two-thirds
ot njy speech was intentionally omitted,
and all means of correcting the false
statements and exposing the fraud was
carefully guarded against .by the loss (?)
of the report ot our stenographer, whose
conduct was just what they wanted and
just what the success o {.their plans re-
quired. I am receiving letters every mail
fronj every part of the State, asking when
my aeeffi will appear. I have to reply
to my friends that it was not reported,
and that tire printed speech published by
Prohibition papers is a fraud. In order
to g(ve to friends who have asked for mv
•pecth some of the arguments made and
authpritie* quoted by me at Dallas, I ap-
pearjbefore you this evening.
I Oppose the adoption of the amend-
ment to our constitution because it vio-
lates! a fundamental principle of free gov-
ernment. Our free institutions stand
upon the foundation principle that man
is capable of self-government: that he is
endowed by hi* Creator with the intelli-
gence and virture to govern himself In all
thaupcrtalns to himself; that when asso-
ciated together the society is capable of
organising and administering govern-
ment so as to promote the well being of
the whole; that our government was ere-,
atedf to secure personal, civil, political
and religious liberty: to secure these ends
written constitutions were made, distribu-
ting and localising the power of govern-
ment and reserving to the indv Idual be-
yond the inference of all government—
' national, State or local—absolute control
of git conduct which involves himself
alone. These were new principles upon
which to erect a superstructure of gov-
ernment. They had been denied by kings
and priests through the whole history of
the human family. Ktngs claimed that
they ruled bv divine appolntnent; that
they stood toward their people In the re-
lation of a father to his children, and
that governments were necessarily pater-
nal, and that the people as children could
enj+y just such personal freedom as the
paternal government thought proper to
grapt. The priest stood as the re preven-
tive of God, and their dutv to their Ma-
ker was defined and prescribed, add'with
thejhelpof the government enforced by
Him. This left no room for the dictates
of (Jonscience in determining one’s duty
either to himself or his maker. Under
this creed there was no room for growth,
either In the individual or the States,
and for thousands of years the human
family have been governed and misgov-
fcq, oppressed, plundered and de-
lved. Civilization stood still; the arts
sciences dragged along tike snails,
knowledge was kept concealed in her
hiding place.
V»t let us took on the other side of this
Jure. This is the centennial anntver-
’ of our history as a nation. This is
We began our career in 17S7. One
hundred years of the experiment of man’s
capacity for self government shows that
from 3,000,000 people we have increased
to «ba,<Mo,GOo: front a little handful of
pepple living along the Atlantic seashore
wejhave extended across the continent to
thp shore of the Pacific and from the
lakes on the northern border to the Gull
of Mexico 011 the ivouth. From nothing,
at the beginning, we have 130,000 mile*
of railway. It is more than all the other
1 , |no,oot>,ooo people on the globe have.
We produce and exchange among our-
selves and consume in the satisfaction of
out wants, more of the products ot our
own labor,than the two hundred millions
on the Continent of Europe. We have
invented and have now In-Vuccesstul oper-
alion more labor saving machinery than
all other people. We are turning out
over six millions of dollars worth ot the
products of manufacture*every year, amt
producing them at a lower cost of prm
daction, and at the same time paying
higher wages to our workmen -than any
Oliver people. Our workmen turn out
twice as much work pci head as the work-
men of Great Britain and three times
as much as the workmen or Prance
Germany. We raise more wheat,
cotton, rye, barley, oats anti
Vtatoes than are raised by all the
pPpulatiou of Europe. We leave more
telegraphs, more telephones, more
newspapers, more universities, colleges,
fare schools, a ltd more scholars attending
them; more churches and a greater diffu-
sion of education, morals and religion
than among double the number of people
of Europe or any other country. We have
tijore temperance and sobriety. more hap-
Illness and contentment, more self-reliant
manhood, more prosperity and power, in-
dividual ami national, thaw any other
(topic in the world, and immigrants are
tkow '
masters and builders tlrey were men Of
great learning and observation. They
had studied all the ancient governments
ot which we hail authentic history all
the governments ot modem times. They
had seen the same result under all - that
people hail Wen constantly under the
heel of oppression by governments claim-
ing In rule by Divine right and catling
themselves paternal. They Haw that lib-
e,tv, prruqverity and happiness could only
live in a land where the governing power
came directly from the governed am! was
at ail time*.under their control, and even
then, when the power of the majority was
limited hv written constitutions, and re-
strained and kept without the bounds
consecrated to liberty by the intelligence
of their heads and the virture of their
heart*. Hence, they laid down in the
Declaration of Independence, certain
were at all
time* to tie acknowledged and kept in the
heads of those who would keep lilierty in
their land.
They say we hold these truths to be
self-evident: First, that aii men are creu-
'ted equal; second, tiiat they are endowed
by.their creator with certain inalienable
rights, among which are life, lilierty ami
the pursuit of happiness; third, that to
secure these rights governments are insti-
tuted among men ■ fourth, that these gov-
ernment# derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed. The first of
“sidf-cv blent*’ “1 ruths**-—that we
these “self-evident” “truth*”—that we
are not to disregard, either in tire con-
struction of our constitution or in the ad-
ministration of our laws is that we are all
equals, before the taw—equals in sharing
its benefits, if the safety of the State is
imperiled, each Is eqitallv hound with the
rest to share the peril and defend the
State; if benefits are to be conferred by
the government; they must come equally
to all. There con be no favorites, no dis-
criminations, but, in the language of Mr.
Jefferson, “equal and exact justice to all.”
If the government can lay burdens oil
some and exempt others, confer favors on
some and exempt others, dispense bene-
fits to some and exclude others, it is only
a question of time when free institutions
will cease to live and when despotic,power
will usurp- the place consecrated to lib-
erty. “Equal rights to all, exclusive
privileges to none,” was the motto of our
fathers, and must be ours, if we are to
keep the institutions they bequeathed to
us. K the government think* proper to
prohibit one man from manufacturing or
drinking wine it must prohibit all. if it
allow# one man, or one set ot men, that
privilege it must allow the same privilege
to all. There can be no place for favor-
ites In free government, not even “for
medical, mechanical, sacramental or
scientific purposes.” Our government
was not instituted to propagate medical
theories, mechanical ideas, chistianity or
science, it was instituted to secure to us
the enjoyment of the right with which
our Creator endowed us, and In the en-
joyment of these rights each man lias an
equal right with another, whether he he
Jew or Gentile. Mr. Jefferson, who was
the author of the Statue of Religious
Freedom in Virginia, savs it was meant
“to comprehend, within the mantle of its
protection, the Jew and the Gentile, the
Christian and Mohammedan, the Hindoo
and Infidel of every denomination.” it
was intended that in our free government
every man should have his own religion,
and be equally protected in its enjoy,
meat. But how does the proposed
amendment stand the test of this principle:
It makes a favored class. It excepts from
its operation all those who manufacture,
set) or exchauge alcoholic liquors, either
for medical, mechanical, sacramental or
scientific purposes. In a tree govern-
ment, where the first principle of asso-
ciation is that of equal right, how can a
medical man have any higher claim in
the consideration of the State than 4 far-
mer? What right ha*-a Christian in the
government that a Jew docs not (>ossess?
And, yet, the amendment permits wine to
be manufactured, sold and exchanged to
satisfy the demand of the Christian, but
destroys the property of all wine growers
in the State, who are raising grapes and
making wine to ’satisfy the demand of
others. Is that “cqualand exact justice to
all?” The doctor, the manufacturer and
the scientist can have all they want, the
rest can have none. Is this equality?
What has become of the self-evident
truth that all men are created equal? it
is violated and trampled under foot. How
would those favored classes havefelt if the
proposition were reversed? Suppose the
proposition to amend the constitution
permitted the manufacture, sale and ex-
change of alcoholic liquors by ail per-
sons, tor all purposes except for medical,
mechanical, sacraihental and scientific
purposes: Would not the Prohibitionists
make the land ring with their denuncia-
tion from the Sabine to the .Rio Grande?
Would they not claim that they had equal
rights with all others and that their rights
were trampled upon? Every one knows
they would, and I would have joined with
them in denouncing tl»e proposition and
calling Upon the people to reject it. But
they are insensible to the wrong they are
proposing to do others when the discrim-
ination is made by them in their own
favor. They would say that to drink wine
in the sacrament is a religious duty, that
their consciences demand its performance,
and they have a right in a free country to
the protection jud enjoyment of that
right. That is true, and i will do all 1
Can to protect them in the enjoyment of
that right; but in a government of equals,
have they any right superior to the right
of another. ;
If this amendment is adopted thetr
rights will be reserved and the rights of
others destroyed. It the amendment is
rejected ail rights will be protected, and
vve will all be equal [ as we have been
through our whole career. We ail have
equal natural rights, among them the
right to eat bread, but have one class in
the State the right to prohibit others
from eating bread and reserve that right
to themselves because a religious duty re-
quires them to eat bread in the sacra-
ment? I say we all have the natural right
_to eat what we please and that the gov-
ernment has no right to interfere.
Another feature of the pfo posed
amendment violates the principle of
eqality. It prohibits the manufacture and
sale of alcoholic liquors, but it does not
prohibit their importation from other
States or countries. What is the result
that must inevitably flow front this, if
adopted? The wealthy, who can atlord
to import line champagnes front France,
fine port wine from Portugal and fine
whiskies and brandies from Tennessee
and make wine do I injure another? No.
But this amendment says I shall not make
wine. It it is adopted It deprives me of
my rights, as a free man. If 1 vote lor it
I voluntarily surtcudei mv rights which
our fathers say cannot ite surrendered iri
a tree country. Remember that liberty
is the right to do what you please with
yourseit and your property so long as you
do not injure auother, and this right is
inalienable. It was for this right our
tartier* tiled. For this they died. They
secured it after great suffering and sacri-
fice and have transmitted it to us. It ha*
come dowu to us through all the years of
the century, with all the countless bless-
ings which we to-day enjoy, and yet we
are asked now to abandon it, and to trust
our individual government to our ser-
vant*. whom we send to make laws for
us. Our government was not created be-
cause man could not govern himself and
because It was tiecessary for the State to
prescribe a code of regulations for hi* in
div iduul conduct; but beeauxe some will
Injure other* and '‘deprive then? of their
right* if not restrained by superior force,
ami in order to protect everyone in the
enjoyment of all his rights against the
wrong* of others. Governments are in-
stituted and invested with power to pro-
tect, not to destroy right, if every man
would act toward his fetlowman as he
would have his fellowipan act toward
him, there would be no necessity for
government. Everyone would then be
in the full enjoyment of all his rights
As opr free government came more front
the brain and pen of Thomas Jetterson
than any other man, 1 will give you in
his own'words his definition of the'right-
ful power* of government, and the limi-
tations which constitute the barrier
against usurpation.
On the first page of the seventh volume
of his work he says:
“Our legislators are not sufficiently
apprised of the rightful limits of their
power; that their true office is to declare
and enforce only our natural rights and
duties and to tuke none of them from us.
No man has a natural right to commit
aggression on the equal rights of another;
and this i* ali from which the law ought to
restrain him; every man is under the
natural duty of contributing to the ne-
cessities of society, and this is alPthe
law should enforce on him; and no man
having a natural right to be judge be-
tween himself and another, it is his nat-
ural duty to submit to the umpirage of
an impartial third. When the laws have
declared and enforced all this, they have
fulfilled their functions, and the idea is
quite unfounded that on entering into
society we give up any natural right.”
This is the creed of freemen, and has
been from the foundation of our govern-
ment, and has never been questioned In
Texas until prohibition invaded the State.
It says man has no right to commit ag-
gression on another and this is all, ail,
all from which the law ought to restrain
him. Then ought the law to restrain him
from raising grapes and drinking wine?
Is he committing aggression upon the
equal rights of another when he raises
grapes on his own land and drinks wine
in his own house? On what part of the
body of this Kansas bantling are we to
find the brand of Jefferson Democracy?
People who talk glibly about the rights of
society forget that this is a tree govern-
ment and not a despotism; that the first
object sought to be secured in forming
our government was the individual liberty
ot the citizen. To secure this object our
fathers thought it wise to distribute gov-
erning power among many agencies.
They new, a# they said, it all power was
concentrated in on? government it would
necessarily lie a despotism. That it must
therefore be distributed and confined
within the limits where it was reposed;
that it* tendency was to centralization and
constant encroachment upon the liberty
of the citizen. Hence they created a
genetal government and gave to it power
over foreign and federal affairs. They
created State governments and gave them
power over all matters pertaining to the
whole people of the State, and county
governments with power in all matters
pretaining to county affairs, and precincts
with authority to control such matters as
belonged to the people within their
boundaries. But to all such matteis as
belonged to each individual alone, that
power is reserved from all government
and resitles in the individual alone, and
we call it personal liberty. These are the
principles that controled and directed our
fathers in forming our government, and
on no other principle could free govern-
ment ever have been erected. To prove
the correctness of my position let me
read from Mr. Jefferson again. In the
sixth volume of his works, page 543, he
says: “No, my friend, the way to have
good and safe government is not to trust
it all to one, but to divide it among the
many, distributing to everyone exactly
the tunctions he is con petent to. Let
the national government be entrusted
with the defense ot the nation and its
foreign and federal relations; the State
government with the civil rights, laws,
police and administration of what con-
cern the State generally, the counties
with the local concerns ot the counties,
and each ward direct the intetests within
itself. It is by dividing and subdividing
these republics, from the great national
one down through ali its subordinates,
until it ends in the administration of
every man’s farm by himself; by placing
under every one what his own eye may
superintend, that all will be done tor the
best- What has destroyed liberty and the
rights of man in every government which
has ever existed under the sun? The
generalizing and concentrating all cares
and powers into one body, no matter
whether of the autocrats of Russia or
France, or of the aristocrats of a Vene-
tian Senate, and I do believe, that if the
Almighty has not decreed that man shall
never be free (and it is a blasphemy to
believe it), that the secret will be found
to be in the making h mself the deposi-
tory of the powers respecting himself, so
tar as he is competent to them, and dele-
gating only what is beyond his compe-
tence by a ” synthetical process to higher
and higher orders of functionaries so as
to trust fewer and fewer powers in pro-
portion as the trustees become more and
more oligarchical.”
Here he sets forth in the clearest lan-
guage that liberty and the rights ot man
depend upon dividing and subdividing ali
governing power. He tells us that liberty
has been lost in every land under the sun
by the concentration ot power, and that
it' can only be preserved by giving to each
functionary that which belongs to him
and. Kentucky, can still drink at their j alone, and then keeping him within his
pleasure, while the poorer part of our peo- own bounds. The federal government
pie, who have an equal right with the must be kept within its bounds; the state
rich, must be prohibited from that enjoy- government within its bounds; each
meat. Does “the good of society” do- county government within its bounds;
Brand this discrimination? What lu»* be- j each ward government within its bounds,
come ot the great moral idea ot whichi and each farmer must be permitted to
we have heard so much? is morality to ! govern Irisown farm without interference
he promoted bv making diinking cheap \ from national, state or local authority,
and casv to the rich, and forbidding it j Then where do the Prohibitionists get
only to the poor? We have been told a ! their authority for saying it is Jeffersonian
great deal about the “drink habit” and j Democracy to prevent a man from rais-
its awful curse, but do not our prohibiton j ing grapes on his farm. Or from drinking
philanthropists see ahv of that curse in - the wine he has made from the juice ot
the rich ? Is there no field for their mis- j his grapes In his own house and on his
sionary enterprise among that class? Is own land? 1 remcmbei in his petition to
all that fierce bill of indictment lew-el led 1 the king, Mr. Jefferson reminded him
against the poor? Bnt so it Is. After ! that his laws prevented his subjects in
all the tempest that has been w hipped up \ Virginia from making hats out ot the tur
by the crusaders they have resolved that i
there is no necessity for putting any ob-
struction in the way of the rich people
getting what they want. It is only the
poor they think that needs their doctor.
We, who believe in free government, and
in “equal and exact justice to ali,” will
take none of their patent medicines, nor
their officious intermeddling with our
private affairs. It the Prohibitionists are
anxious about reformation, and are eager
to enter upon the good work, if thev will
only- torn iheir eyes in, instead of out,
thev will find a plenteous harvest-at home
_____/ding to our shore from every part of j ami fields where they may accomplish
the globe to enjoy the blessings of this much good. But the attempt of one man
land, that is to-day the wonder and the
admiration of the world, atui yet we are
told every day that we are “dancing
along the primrose way to the everlasting
bonfire.” Why is this great difference
between as and other peoples: It is all j
•re product of liberty. One hundred
years is but a span in the life of a nation,
but with us it has demonstrated the truth,
than man i* capable of governing him-
self, and will do it better than lie will be
governed by another. Our fathers pur-
chased this inestimable right with their
j|words, guarded and protected it in the
structure of the government they created,
and transmitted it to us as
Or set of men, whether for “the good of
society” or for any other cause, to reform
caught upon their own lands, and from
making iron out of the ores dug out of
their own soil, and he did not indorse
the laws as a necessary measure for the
protection of society, but he plainly told
his sovereign that it was an outrage. But
men who are advocating this measure
that prevents farmers from raising on
their fields what they think will best re-
pay their labors, tell us that it is pure
Jeifersonian Democracy. But did you
notice the remarkable’ language with
which be closed that paragraph: Did
you notice the creed there confessed in
one short sentence? He says he believes
that if the Almighty has not decreed that
mart never shall be free, that the secret
will be found in the making himseif the
the moral conduct of others by outward j depository of the power respecting him-
force has always failed in the past and j sell. If that utterance be true he must
alwaysWill in the future. j have believed that when his person, in
The next “self-evident truth” is; That matters pertaining to himself alone was
vve are endowvti'bv our Creator with cer- j put.in subjection to the power of others,
tain inalienable rights, among which are 1 that he was to that extent enslaved. This
life, liberty and the pursuit ot happiness. I is not the only utterance of Mr. Jefferson
There are rights which can be alienated— i on that subject. On page 5S9, ot the sixth
Cions legacy in their
the most pre-
gift. They were
the right to a bale of cotton, a tract of
land or a drove of cattle can be alienated,
but “life, liberty and the pursuit of hap-
piness” cannot be. But what is liberty
which is declared to be inalienable? It
is the right to do anything we please that
does hot injure another. If I raise gTapes
with faculties and qualities to etfeet its
satisfaction by concurrence ot others
having the same want, that when by the
exercise ot these faculties he has procured
a state ot society it i* one ot his acquisi
linns which he has a right to regulate and
control, jointly indeed with all those who
have roncured in the procurement
wltom lie cannot exclude from it* use or
direction more than thev him. We think
experience ha# proved it safer for the
mass of individuals composing the society
to reserve to themselves personally the
exercise of all rightful powers to delegate
those to which they are not competent to
deputies named and removable for un-
faithful conduct by themselves immedi-
ately.” Here is tne same principle re-
serving from the government all control
over self-regarding duties of the man,
and dividing and subdividing those pow-
ers that must be entrusted to others. All
his theories of free government are based
upon his faith in tire capacity of man for
self-government. Farther on in the
same letter he says:
“1 acknowledge myself strong in af-
fection to our own form, yet both of us
act and think from tho same motive, we
both consider the people a* our children
and love them with parental affection.
But you love them as infants whom you
are afraid to trust without nurses; and I
as adults whom I freely leave to self-
government.”
And again In the same letter he says:
“There exist# a right independent of
force; that a right to property is founded
in our natural wants, in the mean* with
which we are endowed to satisfy these
wants, and the right to what we acquire
dv those means without violating the
similar rights of other sensible beings;
that no one has a right to obstruct an-
other exercising his faculties innocently
for the relief ot sensibilities, made a part
of his nature; that justice is the funda-
mental law of Boclety; that the majority,
oppressing an individual, is guilty of a
crime, abuses its strength, and by acting
on the law of the strongest, breaks up the
foundation of society; that action by the
citizens In person In affairs, within their
reach and competence, and In all others
by representatives, chosen immediately,
and removable by themselves, constitutes
the essence ot a republic.”
I will give you one more extract from
Mr. Jefferson to sustain the position
which I have taken, that this amendment
is an invasion of the domain of individual
rights, and if it is adopted it will be, In
the language of Mr. Jefferson just quoted,
an act of a majority oppressing an indi-
vidual, that it will be guilty of a crime,
that it will be an/abuse of strength, and
by acting on the law of might, breaks up
the foundations of society. In the first
volume of his works, page 82, he says:
“It is not by the consolidation or concentration
of powers, but by their distribution, that jfood ifov
eminent is effected. Were not this fprat country
already divided into States, that division must be
made, that each ini^ht do for itself what concerns
itself directly and what it can so much better do*
than a distant authority. Every State attain is di-
vided into counties, each to Dice care of what lies
within its local bounds; each county again into
townships or wards to manage minuter details ;
and every ward into farms to be governed each bv
its individual proprietor. Were we directed from
Washington when to so<
.. sow and when to reap we
should soon want bread. It is by this partition of
cares, descending in gradation from general to
>articuiar, that the mass of human affair* may
wst^be managed for the good and prosperity of
Here again he asserts the principles of personal
liberty. Each farm is to be governed by its indi-
vidual proprietor, an<l the government has no
right to say when he shall sow or reap, whether it
be wheat, cotton, tobacco or grapes, and.yet Pro-
hibitionists tell us it is Jeffersonian Democracy
f»r the government to prohibit the people from
raising grapes or tobacco, making wine or cigars.
If the farm is to be governed by “the individual
proprietor,” what rifhf has the State to say he
shall not plant grapevines or keep wine, or raise
peaches and make brandy, and sell it or keep it,
or drink it? What right has the State to denounce
his cask of brandy or wine as a “blind tiger,” and
send an officer to break down his door, search his
house and arrest his tamily and drag them to the
courthouse, and from the courthouse to the jail to
tie locked up for twelve months and made to pay
a fine ot $500? If the farm is his and to be gov-’
erned by him, what business is it of the govern-
ment what he makes on it, or uses on it, what he
consumes at home or sells to others? But it is
said that the majority must rule.
No one denies that. When governments are
organized and being instituted that rule, too, must
control and has controlled in all our governments.
But Mr. Jefferson did not say that majorities were
always right, or that they had the right to do what
they pleased. They have the power to do what
they please, and they may to-day reform or abol-
ish their whole Federal government They may
elect a czar and give him all power, executive,
legislative and judicial, but that would not be a
free government. It would be the very essence of
despotism. Thev have the power to-day to ex-
clude the masses from the ballot-box and confer
the elective franchise on men of wealth alone, hut
that would not be a free form of government.
What we contend for and what Mr. Jefferson
contended for is free government—that the major-
ity must have the virtue to restrain its power and
keep it out of the bound cries consecrated to lib-
erty. That power must at all times be used
righfullv to protect and secure to each and all that
which the Creator has given, and not wrongfully
to destroy it. We do not sav that the majority
may not pass this amendment, but we say it is not
in a free government a rightful exercise of power.
It is the act of a majority if it is done, oppressing
an individual, invading the domain of individual
sovereignty and destroying right, and in the
language of Mr. Jefferson it is guilty of a crime,
and by appealing to the law of might instead of
the law of right breaks up the foundation of so-
ciety.
In 17S7, when the constitution was made, the
war w;ts over, blood had ceased to flow, the sword
was sheathed. Peace reigned throughout the
land, and the vows that had been uttered to liber-
ty while her altars were bleeding were forgotten
by some. Men are prone to forget in the hour of
prosperity from whence their blessings come.
Among the framers of the constitution the friends
of paternal government were in great fotce. They
had for their leader Alexander Hamilton, the
ablest man in the United States. lie did not be-
lieve the people capable of self government. He
wanted a government modeled on that of Great
Britain. lie wanted a president and senators for
life. He wanted the governors ot the States ap-
pointed from Washington. He wanted the presi-
dent to have the veto power over the acts of State
Legislatures. He wanted a government strong
enough to defy the will of the people, hush their
complaints by force instead of redressing the
wrongs of which they complained.
On the other hand it was contended that man
was capable of governing himself without the pa
temal supervision of his government, that we did
not need a strong government, that we could
take care of ourselves, that we could build gov-
ernments, raise and support armies and win vic-
tories and so administer our government as “to
establish justice, insure* domestic tranquility, pro-
vide for the common defense, promote the general
welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to our-
selves and to our posterity.** Here began the
contest between power and liberty and these two
forces have been contending for the mastery every
since. Mr. Jefferson was the leader of the vota-
ries of the Liberty party. Although he was not
in the United States he was in constant communi-
cation with his friends and associates in the great
struggle. The constitution was formed and sub-
mitted for ratification without securing the citi-
zen exclusive control of ail powers concerning
himself. He sounded from France the note of
warning. He wrote to Gen. Washington, Mr.
Madison and many others, to have a bill of rights
placed in the constitution. He said there are
“rights which it is useless to surrender to the gov
eminent and which governments have vet always
been found to invade. These arc the rights of
thinking and publishing our thoughts, by speak-
ing and writing, the right of free commerce, the
rignt of personal freedom.** Trials by jury were
not provided for. It has been through all English
history the bulwark of personal liberty. Tnere
volume ot his works, in writing to a gen-
tleman iif France, he savs:
“We, ot the United States, you know,
are constitutionally and conscientiously
Democrats. We consider society as one
of the natural wants with which man has
been created; that he has been endowed
was an instrument of cruelty and oppression with
........ - liar—the a
guarded again*
that the drawbridge should be
which all English people were famili
It had not been guarded against. H
—the army,
demanded
. ates
locked and the sentries, that guarded the citadel of
liberty should be kept on tne walls. “A bill of
rights,” he said, “is what the people are entitled
'coi
she
1 him to come to. New York had then what
as frequently had since—one of her greatest
and purest citizens sitting at the helm of her
State; her legislative halls were filled with advo-
cates of paternal goverment—the constant, vigi-
lant and eternal foes of free goverr.ncnt and free
sent
t to Horatio Seymour, fte returned it to them
with his veto, in which, among other things, he
ays:
“The constitution makes it my duty to point out
of this bill, but I owe
keep the government outside tike circle of
sell regarding duties. We must each be witliftg
to enjoy his own personal liberty and permit his
fellow man to eiy*»jf has. We must remember That
the right ot the man pur cedes the right ot society.
It is toon that makes s«*cketv. and the creature cau
n« ve* he greater than Ha creator. Mr. Madison
said in the remonstrance which he wrote tor the
Baptist* of Virginia, against the rtDhlahwmt ot
church schools by the State
“That it m the duty al every ____
Creator r uch homage. a»«l such only, as he believes
to he acceptable to him. This dutv i* precedent
both in order ot tune and u degree ot obligation
to the claims «f civil society.”
Again he says in the same great paper
“The preservation ot a free government requit e*
not merely that the metes and bounds which sepa
rale each department of power be invariably mam
tained, but more especially that neither ol them
be suffered to overleap the harrier which defends
the rights ot the people. The rulers who or
guilty of such an encroachment exceed the com
mui»ioa from which they derive their authority
and are tyrants. The people who submit to it are
governed'by laws made neither by themselves nor
by any authority derived from them, and
•faxes.’*
This is strong languagefor Mr. Madison. Mr.
Jefferson habitually used strong language, hut
Mr. Madison rarely spoke of tyrants and slave*,
Bnt here was a great wrong. around and behind
which were gathered a strong follow ing and ma-
ny strong men among the rest. They loved power
and were unwilling to surrender it without vx
peuding every effort, ^training every nerve and
hesitating at nothing, whether right or wrong,
whether taive or true, whether good or had, that
would bring *ncee*$. to their cause and keep m
their hands unchallenged power over the con
science and persons of the people. We see
to-day in the political priesthood nf this State the
name haughty mien that they have always exhib-
ited in all countries and all ages when stretching
forth their hands either to grasp or retain political
power. Our fathers, knowing the evil# that have
always attended a govemtiicnt dictated by them,
have divorced them and' their power from the
State, and a correct public opinion for a century
has kept their hands out of tne administration of
government. A large part of the Protestant priest
hood of this State have combined to break down
the barrier and come into our clo*ct, tear down
the altars of liberty and erect on their ruins altar/
dedicated to fanaticism and intolerance. And,
notwithstanding they are clothed in the vestments
of religion, they come to deprive us of our inaiien
able rights and destroy our liberty.
tion j><
the Salem witch - burners in New England, and it
soon swept all those little States and brought them
under its sway. It started then on its triumphant
march across the continent. When it reached the
Hudson River and struck the sturdy Democracy
of the Empire State, it suddenly’ found its ad-
vancing columns challenged and combat offered
at every point. It did not find a Democratic party
with 130,000 majority behind it, striking its colors",
muffling its mouth and concealing ana secreting
its ancient creed. But it encountered a Democra
cy that had passed through the fire, whose dross
had been run off, whose metal was pure steel,
whose majhnty was so small that it often disap-
rared and the party was driven from the field.
]»e*--- — — **.. ^ — ■ , » ream U...VM «.*.**. ..** .1 v.u.
Yet it did not hesitate when the New England
pirate hove in sight to display its colors, announce
ts nationality as that of the' republic of liberty.
d the Corsair and
nd a
ulpc
e fix:
bow oi
measure
me objectionable features oi tnis mu, r
to the subject and to the friends of the
*d the expression of mv belief that intcinpcr-
cannot be extirpated' by prohibitory laws;
they are not consistent with sonnd principles of
legislation. I.ike decrees to regulate religious
creed* or forms of worship, they provoke resis-
tance where they are designed to enfore obedience.
The effort to suppress intemperance by unusual
and arbitrary measures proves that the Legisla-
ture is attempting to do that which is not within
province to enact or its power to enforce. This
tne error that lies at the foundation of this bill,
which distorts its details and makes it a cause oi
angry controversy. Should it become a law it
would render its advocates odious as the support-
ers of unjust and arbitrary enactments.**
“Its evils would only cease at its repeal, or when
it became a dead letter on the statute book. Judi
clous legislation may correct abuses in the manu-
facture, sale or use of intoxicating liquors ; it can
do no more. All experience shows that temper-
ance, like other virtues, is not produced by law -
makers, hut by the influence of education, inoral
ity and religion.**
These are the wonts of one ol the greatest and
one of the best men this or any other country has
ever produced. In i9nh, against his remonstrance,
the Democratic party of the United States nomi-
nated him for president. And his name was pre
sented, a* the name of the man above all others,
to lead us through the dark valley of the shadow
of death, through which we were then passing—
when states were thrown down by military orders
—when Texas was still muttering her vows to lib
erty with her mouth in the dust—when trials by
jury were overthrown—when stockades and mili-
tary prisons were abiding places for many of her
people, in the deep vigils of that starless night,
when tne heavens were black with clouds piled on
top of clouds, it was Horatio Seymour that the
Democratic legions said must lead. It was ht
whose life had been a devotion to liberty—-now
when tbe inalienable rights of millions ot people
were ruthlessly trodden beneath the hoofs of mili-
tary powers. It was Horatio Sevmour they called
froin every part of a distracted land to come and
lead them hack to the citadel of the constitution.
He teok the stainless colors of an unsurrOndered
Democracy and carried them gallantly against the
embattled line of the enemy’s steel. He was not
elected; too many States had been trampled in the
dust bv a paternal government. The enemy won
the field, but it was a Cudmean victory that insur-
ed their future defeat.
The next year, 1855, Samuel J. Tiiden was nom
in.1 ted by tfie Democratic party for attorney gen-
eral of New York, and the Prohibitionists called
>on him for his views nn prohibitory liqnor laws,
e gave them a lengthy indictment against their
idol, from which I quote the following “seif-evi-
dent truths:**
“It is no part of the duty »f the State to coerce
the individual man, except so far as his conduct
may affect others ; not remotely and consequen-
tially. but by violating rights which legislation can
recognize and undertake to protect. The oppos-
ite principle leaves no room for individual reason
and conscience, trusts nothing to self culture and
the wisdom of the Senate and Assem
U . N/5 C. C 2
WATERPROOF
POWDER,
8HELL8,
8HOT,
CAP8.
USING U. M. C. ^ No. t PRIMER.
L
USING U.M.<
if.
substitutes
be raised, the g;
guarded the citadc
tne wall*. “A bil
-JHVI the people are enti
to against every government on earth, general or
particular, and what no just government should
refuse or rest on inference.” “Send together dep-
uties again,” he said, “let them establish your
fundamental lights.” T*» Mr. Madison he said
the constitution must have a bill of rights recog-
nizing “the eternal and unremitting force ot the
habeas corpus.** He believed it was a dangerous
delusion to permit our confidence in our govern
me fit to silence our fears for the safety ot our
rights. He believed “that confidence was every
where the parent of despotism**—that free govern
meat is founded in jealousy and not in confidence,”
that it is jealousy that prescribes the limit in
written constitutions beyond which majorities can
not go. “In questions of power,” he says to us,
•’let no more be heard of confidence in ’man but
bind him down from mischief by the chains of the
constitution.** Our constitution has bound him
dow n from mischief, but the Prohibitionists want
to break the fetters and turn him loose to break
open our doors, to search our houses and to arrest
and imprison our families and confiscate our prop-
erty , to pay enormous fines, because we may, in
the exercise of an inalienable right* make, sell or
drink what we please. Why were all these notes
of warning sounded throughout the lands and re
peated over and over again? It was to protect,
preserve and enforce tne right of personal liberty.
It was the libcrtv of the individual citizen that was
imperiled, and the great apostle of liberty .the sen-
tinel on the watch tower was calling to wake the
sleeping garrison. He complained that “liberty
was always yielding and the government always
gaming ground,** and he insisted on raising a bar-
rier beyond whieh the government should never
pass. He succeeded in arousing the people t<» the
importance of incorporating these limits in the
constitution and they were fixed there and there
thev stand to-day as they do in all our State con-
stitutions. Now no one can say the majority caa
prescribe the religion of an individual, or compel
him to support anv religious establishments, or
abridge the freedom of speech, or muzzle the
press, or prohibit the peaceable assembly of the
people, or prohibit the people froip keeping and
nearing arms, or can quarter soldiers on the peo-
ple in time bf peace, or can search our houses
and seize our persons and effects without warrants
supported by oath, or can try us without a jury,
or compel us to testify against ourselves, or de-
prive us of life, liberty or property without due
process of law, or take our property for public
use without paying for it. There are’ some things
in a free government that a majority cannot do,
and these are some of them.
Alt these safeguards were thrown around our
persons and our rights, and.if we are to remain
tree men we must resist every effort to remove
them. We ipust have the virtue to restrain major-
ities and keep them within their bounds assigned
them by constitutional limitations. We most
bly for the plan of moral government ordained by
Providence. The whole progress of society con-
sists in learning how to attaina by the independent
action or voluntary association of individuals,
those objects which are first attempted only
through tne agency of government and in lessen-
the sphere of legislation and enlarging that of
the individual reason and conscience.**
He closes his letter with the following lua-
jage :
*£On all these questions, which have largely oc
cupied the public attention lor a generation, be-
cause the Democratic party has favored the ends,
it has rejected the means by which large parties
and good men have erroneously sought to promote
them. To-day, while it is in favor of sobriety
and good morals, it disowns a system of coercive
legislation which cannot produce them, but must
create many serious evils—which violates consti
tutional guarantees and sound principles of legis-
lation—invades the rightful domain of the individ
ual judgment and conscience, and takes a step
backward toward that barbarian age when the
wages of labor, the prices of commodities, a
man’s food and clothing, were dictated to him by
- government calling itself paternal. I need not
ad that in this conclusion, as well as as in the
general cause of the Democratic party on those
former occasions, I entirely concur.”
Here arc stated in clear and explicit terms the
bed-rock principles of free government. These
arc the words of the other great Governor of New
York, who led us to victory in 1876. These are the
same truths that Mr. Jefferson uttered in his in-
augural address in 1801. After recounting the
advantages of our situation and the blessings we
enjoyed, he says: “With all these blessings,
what more is necessary to snake us a happy aud
prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-
citizens, a wise and frugal government which
shall restrain men from injuring one another,
which will leave them otherwise tree to regulate
their own pursuits of industry and improvement,
and shall not take from the mouth ot labor the
bread it has earned. This is the susi of good gov-
ernment, and this is necessary to close the circles
of our felicities.’* These are the great truths
which for a hundred years have been a lamp to
our l-. et and a light to our path. These are the
truths which have been inscribed on our banners,
engraved on our memories and enshrined an our
hearts. Again in 1SS4 we gathered up our loins
and mustered our forces tor another great con-
flict. Again we declared our unalterable allegi-
ance to the individual liberty of the citizen. We
denounced the whole family of sumptuary laws as
we had done in 187b and 1880. We indicted and
arraigned them, tried and convicted and banished
them Iron) our household because “thev vexed
the citizen and interfered with his individual
liberty.*’ Was there any uncertain sound about
that note? On this declaration they nominated
another great tgovernor ot New York, a man
conspicuous for his courage, his ability and hij
uncompromising hostility to all forms of corrup-
tion in government. As he came to the front to
take command he announced and emphasized
the declaration of his party. In his letter accept-
ing the trust of leadership, he says : “Inn free
country, the curtailment of the absolute rights
ot the individual, should only be such as is essen-
tial to the peace and good order of the communi-
ty.** But the Prohibitionists say that does not
mean prohibition. Then what does it mean? Is
it essential to the peace and good order of the
community that the citizen shall be deprived <-f
his natural right to eat and drink what he
pleases?
Is it essential to the peace and good order of
the community that farmers should be prevented
from raising apples and peaches and making
brandy, or raising grapes and making wine, or
raising tobacco and making cigars, or raising
cotton and making clothes? If it s, when did it
get to be so? We have had peace and good order
in our communities for a hundred years without
surrendering th« right of individual self-govern-
ment.
8 We have not only had peace and good order but
we have excelled cverv people on earth in the
march of civilization. But that is not all he said.
He warned the people that.
“The limit between the proper subjects of gov
emmental control and those which can be more
fittingly left to the moral sense and self
imposed restraint of the citizen should be care-
fully kept in view.**
Can any one be mistaken about that language?
Doesfnot every one know it was aimed at Prohibi
tion?
There was no other measure being discussed by
the public that proposed to cross thrt limit and
invade the domain of individual liberty. Prohi
bitioa was the only member of that prolific brood
that was prowling around tbe Democratic camp
with a mask on its face, and professing to be ;
great non partisan moral reformer. The Prohibi
ironists in T xas as well as in the Northern States
know tail well *‘tbe mark the archer meant.
Shall I introduce another witness? Then I will
read from the Democratic campaign book of 1884.
Under the head cf “Democratic principles,” the
national Democratic executive committee say:
“The Democratic party favors the largest pe
sons! liberty compatible with the welfare ot the
State and leaves the regulation of appetite to
moral and religjou influences, believing those
agencies a e the most in harmony with the pnnci
pies of free government.* In the campaign book
they givg a copy of a bill introduced bv Mr.
Joyce, a Prohibitionist from Vermont, to raise an
alcoholic commission by Congress to inquire
into the economict moral, scientific and ——:—*
CARTRIDGES, WINCHESTER RIFLES AND BREECH-LOADING
pass that bill, it requiring taro-thirds of those
iresent. there wsre five Democrats voted for the
nil and ninety-tour Democrats against it. In
that book thev set out a prohibitory liquor law of
the State of Iowa, and say:
“The tendency of sumptuary legislation is to-
ward ofiiciousness and tyranny, as may be seen
from a perusal of the liquor law of Iowa,” and
they indorse the action ot citizens who organized
'% national protective association to pro*cc; their
Mrrsona liberty” and especially indorse the follow
ng declaration made by that association:
“We hold that the Constitution of the United
States, based on the Declaration of Independence,
tne way ami mvues ine oinent. 11 wc wi
continue the peace and prosperity we n«»\y e
wr must continue to stand by the principle
government that have produced them, and 1
principles are at stake
threshold and resist wr
abridge or restrict the same, that ail existing
proliibitoty laws or contemplated legislation
which tends to abridge personal rights ars tvran-
ical infringements on constitutional guarantees
and should be respectively repealed or opposed.**
No more need be said to prove that Prohibition
violates the principles and is in hostility, to the
• lifoim declaration of the Democratic party.
Let me call your attention to some of the results
that will follow the adoption of this amendment.
When the manufacture and sale of alcoholic
liquors is forbidden, of course the revenue n ow
derived from them will be released and one of
two things must follow : Either taxation must be
increased on land and cattle and horses and
other property sufficiently to make up the dificit
or the czpendifures of the government be corrcs
pondingly reduced. The revenue now derived
from alcoholic liquors, State, county and city, i«
about one million dollars. To raise this amount
would require a very considerable increase of
taxation on other articles and other taxpayers.
The cl ss who arc now paying it do not mind it.
It is paid voluntarily and paid for the enjoyment
luxury. It this amendment is adopted, this
tax will 1»« shifted from them to others who are
already feeling the burden and who must make
up the enormous deficit. If they refuse to permit
the legislature to increase the taxes, then the
only thing remaining is to reduce the expendi-
tures of the government. Where will it fall?
The legislature must continue to meet it, that
cannot be given up. The courts must go on. We
cannot turnout the deaf and dumb and blind, and
the unfortunate inmates of our asylums. Then
our schools must stop or be cut down. Are we
prepared to accept the result? Are we wilting to
make such a sacrifice in order to destroy the
rights of Texas farmers to grow grapes and make
and sell wine? These qocstiotis we are to answer
the 4)h day of August.
The proposed amendment Is not only objection
able for what it now proj>osest but it is more ob-
jectionable on account of what it will bring in its
train. Ii is an entering wedge Miat is to open the
way for still more serious class legislation.
This proposition which is being agitated and
rged upon the people of ail the States is a pro-
position lo destroy the market for *ome <*0,0000,-
000 bushels oi corn, and to render almost value-
less orchards and vineyards in many of the
States. There is coming otose behind it a crusade
against tobacco, aud if the crusaders are success-
tul, the chief products of the labor, and the
chief sources of the prosperity of the States of
North Carolina, Virginia and *K.netucky and a
large element in the labor products of other
States must also lx* destroyed.
What is to be the result of that measure'(
Millions of dollars will be destroyed . hundred* of
thousands of people will be thrown out of employ-
ment, and great distress and suffering will be
entailed upon them and their families. But is it
to stop there? I>o you think you can use your
ballots to inflict great injury on others and that
they will not retaliate in kind? If you do you
reckon without your hosts. A spirit of resent-
ment is more powerful than a spirit of philanthropy
and more frequently dominates the counsels of
government. It was not philanthropy that raised
the army that marched on the South when we
fired mi Fort Sumter. It was resentment. It
was not philanthropy that induced the entire
body of Congress at its last session with one
dissenting voice to empower the President to
prohibit the importation of Canadian products
into our markets. It was resentment for wrong
done to our people. Now those whom we will
injure by our unwarranted invasion of their rights
can easily bring us to our senses by re-imposing
the tax ot three cents a pound on cotton. Such
a tax, if imposed and continued three years,
would bankrupt the South and scatter destitution
and poverty throughout the land. A tax of three
cents a pound on cotton would lay a burden of
twenty million dollars on us annually. This
tax was placed on cotton during the w ar, but af-
ter it was over we appealed to our fellow citizens
of the North to remove it, and they did so. But
it we appeal to the law' of might instead of right,
they will be found able to convince us that major-
ities can hurt us just as easily as we cun hurt oth-
ers.
Mr. Jefferson tells us that:
“A departure from principle in one instance be ,
comes a precedent for a second, that second for a
third, ana so on till the bulk of society is reduced
to the mere automatons of misery, to have no sen
sibihties left but for sinning and suffering.”
It is submission to the first wrong that prepares .
the way and invites the others. If we wish to
enjoy,
les of
them, and when
e, we must stand on the
wrong at every advancing
Aose who are organizing and lead-
ing the crusade against our rights
lustily it on the grounds that intemperance is on
the increase, that our jails and penitentiarie* are
filled with criminals, who are made so bv alcohol;
that our asylums and pauper houses are filled with
victims of alcohol, and that many thousands are
annually falling into drunkards’ graves. If-these
facts are true our whole civilization is a failure,
our whole theory of government is a rope of sand,
man is not capable of self-government, is not
morally accountable for his actions, cannot be
jus ly punished far his conduct, and we must be-
gin to look around for some one or more masters to
take care of us. Bu^arc these charges true? If you
will go to the records ot the criminal court ol any
county ’n the State you wrill find that there is not
one crime in ten committed under the influence of
alcohol. During the present week with the assist-
ance of our district derk, 1 went over the crimi-
nal docket for the last term of the court and found
that there were twenty-two convictions for felony.
There were three conviction s for aggravated as-
sault, one tor assault with intent to murder, thice
tor assault with intent to rape, eight for horse
stealing, three for burglary, one for perjury, ooe
for false swearing, one for theft of personal prop-
erty, and one for fraudulently disposing of prop-
erty. Of these twenty-two convictions only tour
could with any probability be set down to the
influence of alcohol. Those are the four convic-
tions for aggravated assault and assault with in-
tent to murder, and 1 will venture that there were
not two of those who had touched a drop of liquor.
Quarrels ofteucr result from a wrong done to the
person or property than from the influence of alco-
hol, and even where alcohol is present, in a quar-
rel, it more frequently follows tbe lead of malice,
than it moves and directs it.
The Kev. Mr. Mullins, Democratic delegate
from the County Convention to the State Demo-
cratic Convention last year, and candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor of the Prohibitum party, re
ported from the Committee on Temperance ol the
Kichiand Baptist Association to his church that:
“Strong drink i« sweeping into drunkards’
graves hijOKi ol our population annually.”
He somewhat toned down from the high otaud
occupied by other Prohibition orators, dtut was
there bu/wo drunkards’ who died in anyone year
of our history? I do not know where he obtained
tbe startling’figures. I know they are contradict-
ed by the Official returns of the census of 1880. On
page 10, of volume q, statistics of mortality of the
census of 1SS0, it will he seen that there were 756,-
persons diet! during the year from all csnscs
In tiie sec. nd volume of the compendium of the
census, page 1707, the compiler of the returns,
Surgeon John S. Billings, U. S. A., says:
“Ft is believed that the cause of death have been
obtained much more accurately than in any pre
ceding census.”
Of the 756 total deaths 743,8*0 died from
known causes, the others from causes unknown.
On page 17.25, second volume, compendium of cen-
sus, it will be seen that of the 733,840 deaths, 107,-
died from diseases of the respirator)-' system,
.551 from consumption, *3/>TO from di eases of
of the nervous system, <>5,565 from dtorrh eai dis
cases, 34,(X>4 from diseases of the digestive system,
2j&Q$ from enteric fevers, 38,39s from dipthena,
ity^Ui from scarlet fever, ii,jcu from whooping
cough, and 8771 from measles. The deaths from
alcohol were so insignificant in number that they
were not embraced among the principal causes.
But by going back to the volume on mortality sta-
tistics, on page 44, it will be seen that there were
•33s *»sd*-* and J54 female# *iicd during the year
ot alcoholism, making a total of bixty thou
sand is as near to 150* as many Prohibition ora*
tors can get to the truth.
The fact is that alcohol rarely .kills, and another
fact which Prohibition s»peakcra have ignored is
that the use of strong alcohoiic spirits as a bever-
age ha> been constantly on the decrease since the
foundation of our government. 1 have here a re-
port of the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics at
Washington, who is an ardant Prohibitionist. I
here give it to the country for the careful consider-
ation ot Prohibitionists and all persons who are
seeking for light on the subject. From this table
it will he seen that in 1840 we consumed two and
fiffty-two oae-hurdredths gallonsoi distilled spir-
its per head, and in i986 one and twenty—four one-
hundredths gallons per head. During the forty*
six years the consumption of distilled spirits has
decreased more than half. Now what has become
of the argument of Prohibitionists that
growing worse every day, and that drunkem
alarmingly on the increase* In lh+o we con
twenty-nine one-hundredths of a gallon of wise
per head, and that increased to fifty-six one hun-
dredths ot a gallon in 1880, and has decreased to
thirty-eight one-hundredths af a gallon in 1886.
The consumption of malt liquors (beer) has in
creased from one and thirty-sixth one hundredths
gallons per head in 1840 to eleven and eighteen
one-hundredths gallons in 188b. This table dem-
nntrates the fact that the taste of the people is
changing from strong drinks to weaker drinks.
Distilled spirits have shoot $0 per cent of alcohol,
the win* we drink from 10 to 15 per cent, the beer
5 *‘nd 6 per cent. It is one of the highest evidences
of the growth of temperance to see beer supplant-
ing distilled ftpiritx. It is « change that our fath-
ers have encouraged in the interest of temperance.
Mr. Jefferson said in 181S:
MI rejoice as a moralist at the prospect of e re-
duction of the duties on wine.”
Why? Because, os he sav* :
MVo nation is drunken where wine is
cheap.**
“It is the onlv antidote to the bane of wbiskv.**
“Its extended use will carrv health and com-
fort to a much enlarged circle.**
Again he savs in 1883 •
“Foreign spirits, wines, tens, coffee, cigars, salt
are articles of as innocent consumption as broad*
cloths and silks.•• “All ot them* he says, “are
ingredients in o«r happiness, and the government
which steps out of the ranks of the ordinary article
erf consumption to select and lav under dispropor-
tionate burdens a particular one b>-cause it Is a
comfort pleasing to the taste, or necessary to the
hea’th. and will therefore be bought, is in the! par-
ticular a tvrannv.**
If to disproportionate!* tax wine h a tvrannv,
what would our old tsth*-r have thought of the
absolute prohibition of the manufacture and use
of wine? He certain!v would not have thought it
was pure Jeffersonian Democracy.
It is stated In the report of the Bureau of Statis •
tics that the consumption of distilled spirits is
one and one-hundredth gallons per head in Great
Britain, one and fourteen-hundredths gallons per
head in France, and one and twenty-four one
hundredths gallons per head in the United States.
It must * e remembered in this comparison that we
manufacture twice as much as Great Britain and
three time* as much as eithertPranee or Germany,
and that alcohol enters largely into mamifoetores.
Some statisticians say that one half of all the alco-
hol in the United State* so used, the lowetd esti-
mate is one-tenth. If we could ascertain the
exact amount of alcohol used in manufactories in
all the countries. I am satisfieH the «»ateme«t wlH
show that we use less distilled spirits as a bever-
age on an average per head of our population
than either of them. Great Britain consume*
thirty-two gallons ol beer per htri, Germany
twentv-three gallons per head, and the United
States eleven gallon* per head. Of ail liquors,
distilled and fermented, we consume about twelve
gallons per head. Great Britain thirty-four gallons
per head. France thirty-eight gallons per head,
and Germany twenty five gallons per head. We
are far ahead of them in temperance ami sobriety,
and the temperate use ol ali alcoholic liquors, os
wc doubtless are of a * I other peoples.
Prohibition wav smuggled into Texas as a pure-
ly moral, non partisan and non-political question,
ft was so stated in many of the convocations of
the different Protestant churches. It required
trrmendous mental capacity to see bow a question
that had to be voted on at the ballot box, enacted
into law by the legislature, approved by ti»* gov-
ernor, enforced bv the sheriff and constable with
jails and penitentiaries, was iu>n-|ioiitical;
but still thev'persisted in so calling if, nnd so com
mending it to the acceptance ot all good people.
It was the way to win. That course did not stir
up controversies with the Democratic and Repub-
lican paitics. The plan of the leader* was to
present and pre si their proposition as
a purely moral question until thev were strong
enough to stand alone and defy all opposition and
then they would throw off their mask, exhibit their
real features and ask us, Democrat* and Republi-
cans, what we were going to do about it. This
policy was carefully watched and nursed, and the
child continued to grow and wax strong. A
great many preachers advocated it in their ser-
mons and got a great many of the members of their
congregations to come over and join the great
moral, non -political party! It grew lost in the
dark, and many of its enthusiastic adherents
thought the time had come to emerge from their
hiding places and come out into the daylight and
fight all enemies and op powers. whether Democrats
or Republicans. The boldest of them were restless
and cnafing to summon the clans and “Cry havoc,
and let slip the dogs of war.** But the more cau-
tious and cunning and thoughtful restrained the
ardor of their hotspurs and kept them back by
saving: “The time hasn’t come yet. We need
more converts. The Democracy is too strong to
challenge its armies to open encounter. We must
get hold of the colored preachers, and through
them control the Republican party.” Their lead-
ers said: “L.ay low, and keep dark, hoys, a little
while lor-ger. Continue to press Prohibition as a
moral, non partisan, non political question. It Is
more apt to take that wav. Lei us get enough a#
them committed to Prohibition, so th it pride of
opinion will prevent them from recanting and go-
ing back lo their old parties. When we get
enough of these recruits to be sure of carrying toe
State and each congressional district, and electing
senators who will vote against the importation *»f
aUtthnltc liquors, then we will draw our swords,
tear off our masks, cast our gloves at their feet and
spr- ad consternation and dismay into the ranks
of the beer-gnzzling and rum soaked Democracy.
Then we can, with impunity, brand their stand
ard bearers as saloon stump speakers. Then we
can denounce Democratic principles and policies
as insults to Christianity. Then we can brand all
of them as slaves of corporations and syndicates
But the time hasn’t come yet.” If ooe of these
zealots was nsked to what partv he belonged, he
would reply qnickly and repeat it enthusiastically,
I am a Democrat—a True Blue Jeffersonian Dem-
ocrat. For a while the soothing syrup seemed to
quiet the impatience of their restless spirits, but it
was only ter a while. They soon began to clamor
for tbe bugle to sound the onset, that they might
storm the Democratic camp and capture the
State and carry it as a trophy to the National
Prohibition party. Dehoney urged upon the cau-
tious leaders who still kept their shelter in the
woods to come out, that the time had come. He told
them that the Prohibition party waa organized and
ready for battle ; that their followers arc not now
in the Democratic camp, as they suppo-ed, but
were safely across the iine—that they were ready
to move at a moment’* notice—that he had 35,000
that owe no allegiance to any other party—that he
had a good prospect for 40,000 Greenbackers and
10,000 Republicans. With this armv be is ready
to take up the line ot inarch against the enemy.
He tells Cranfiil in the same letter that the Pro
hibition party in-Texas “is not only formally or-
ganized,” hut that he is a part of the organiza-
tion. He says: “Yon were elected and accepted
the position of member of the State executive
committee.** But nevertheless ne, the chief of
the great moral party, tells Cranfiil:
Have as many Democratic Prohibition dele-
gates sent to the next Democratic State conven-
tion as possible. Go lead your forces and demand
that Prohibition b« maJe a plank in the Demo
cratic State piatform. Then when yonr demand
is ignoininiouslv ignored as it was before, and will
be again, shake the dust ott your feet and leave
the whisky concern and bring out as many ot the
boys os vou con. In the meantime we have organ
ized an independent standard, a party camp of the
people, os a rendezvous for the bolters from oil
existing parties to rally to.”
What advice from the leader of a great moral
party to a preacher to play the hypocrite, and de-
ceive and betray a party by acting falsely! While
Dehoney was ’urging* the rearguard to come to
■fl Cranfiil
the front and
Democratic
to go into
convention, to make a recolrd on which to leave it
and attack it, Cranfiil was begging the Northern
Prohibition orators to stay uway. “The time
hadn’t come yet.” They were fighting for the
Prohibition party. They were living the Prohibi
tion party flag. Thev were delivering ail their
l»lo« ' on Democratic heads. But the time hadn’t
come for that yet. He tells them that won’t do. If
they coroe here and talk that way they will spread
their net in the sight of the htrds they want to
catch and frighten them all away. He tells them
let us be judges ot the time when we will -march
away from the Democratic camp and tike Par
thions shoot hack our poisoned arrows. Carroll
was called on to reinforce Cranfiil and urge on
the Maine and Kan.->as orators the importance ot
staying away a little while longer. He tells them
in a labored letter:
“However necessary after awhile, it is prema
tur* now.”
He says thev must not come out ot the wood*
it; that would be the very thing the Democratic
; Democratic convent
leaders want; wait till the Democratic convention
shuts the door in our faces, and then we wtii run
up the Prohibition party flag. In pursuance of
the policy adopted they had os many Prohibition -
isls as they could get sent to the Democratic Slate
convention. They tried to get prohibition en-
dosed and failed. They got a dog fall on local
option. They did not know what to da. Cranfiil
joined the Dehoney wing ; they called their State
convention, nominated |the»r State ticket, called
on their Northern brethren to come along now ;
the time has come. They denounced the Demo-
cratic candidate lor governor as a saloon stutnp-
Society Vonreerte.
Annuel election thU elternoon, at
3 o'clock.
F. Finkk, Lminrr,
Secretary. President.
Mr. A, W. Spencer haa removed his In-
surance office to the Daugherty building,
opposite the Gazm-aca.
room.
Wantku —A nice turn Uhed
southern exposure. Add re..,
I’. O, Box, 309. ,
> ' -
Regular meeting ot the D. T. U. No.
108, thU atternocm at 2 o'clock sharp, at
Kina’* hall. A full attendance U de-
tlreo. By order ot the Pre.ldcnl,
There will be a temperance mat. meet-
ing at Gallagher’* hall on next Friday
evening, under the au*pices of the Wo-
men’. ChrUtian Temperance union ot thl*
city. The public are cordially Invited.
' —»i ........
Several Interesting communication*,
and other valuable matter are crowded out
this issue for want of space. A contribu-
tion on the inju.tice shown in the selec-
tion ot teachers, we regret that we ’ were
compelled to omit owing to the late hour
it was handed in.
The matched game of base bail which
was to have come otf last Saturday be-
tween Hanna, Platter At Waple.’ “White
Swans” and Lceper, Lingo At Co's “Red
Warriors” is In progress this (Saturday)
afternoon at the base ball park. We
have all our money up on the Warriors.
. ........."■
Mr. B. F. Cruwther, late editor
of the Portfolio and more recently ot II.
Tone’, real estate oliice, Is traveling with
the Gilman Concert and Comedy com-
pany. HI. name appears upon the bills
a. “Mr. IJ. F. Crowthcr, the eminent
comedian and character impersonator.”
Crowthcr is now in ills native clement,
and we wish Idm success.
It seem, that Dallas didn’t send up her
best base hall team to play Denison on
Sunday last. The “Crescents,” a nine
composed of Sunday school teachers, Is
said to be by tar a better team than the
"Reinhardt Greys,” and one which has
beaten them on several occasions. They
scooped the Corsicana nine In a matched
game Saturday week.
If you experience a bad taste in the
mouth, salkiwnes* or yellow color of
skin, feel stupid and drowsy, appetite un-
steady, frequent headache or dizziness,
you are “bilious,’’ and nothing will arouse
your liver to action and strengthen up
vour system like Dr. Pierce’s “Golden
Medical Discovery.’” By druggists.
The Gazbttbrm office Is considerably
changed in the last three weeks. The ed-
itorial department has been moved down
stairs where with new paint and paper up-
on the wall* and new carpet on the tioor,
it teels several years younger and many
degrees more high-toned. When you are
up in this quarter ot the city drop in and
see us and steal some of our exchanges.
A little four year old daughter of Mr.
Lewis Brultt was at her grand-father's
Tuesday evening, and passed by a huge
mastiff dog which was eating, when the
animal sprang upon her, biting her se-
verely in the scalp and also sinking hi*
teeth into one .• her little arms. The
child was brought to the drug store of
Bailey Ac Howard, where Dr. Bailey
dressed the wound.
At a meeting of the stockholders of the
Denison Improvement Company, held
Wednesday at the office of A. R. Collins,
the following officers and directors were
elected: Sam Hanna, president; Sam
Star, vice-president; A. H. Coffin, secre-
tary; B. C. Murray, treasurer. Direc-
tors—Sain Hanna, A. R. Collins, Sam
Star, A. H. Coffin, B. C. Murray, E. H.
Lingo, J. J. Fairbanks and T. B. Hanna.
Editor Lee Linn, formerly of the
Wabash (Ind.) Courier, but now of the
Denison Morning News, in a letter to the
Courier, some two months ago, raised
the ire and indignation of our Territory
friends by hi* humorous, allusions to the
exterior appearance ot the “Independ-
ent” building at Atoka. The conglomer-
ation of newspaper office, restaurant and
job printing house with cigars and
tobaccos as a specialty seemed absurd
enough to the aesthetic proprietor ot the
Courier, but as if in proof of the proverb,
“mocking is catching,” we find his new
paper holding forth In premises whose
front is decorated with “legends” from
the sign writer’s brush which, for variety
and “unique” effect, are not equaled by
those alluded to as adorning the “Inde-
pendent” building. The seeker after
truth, if he will glance at the front ot the
News building, next the postoffice, will
see displayed in “staggering” capitals the
following:
THE MORNING NEWS,
Lbk Lisn, Editor and Pr<if»ri«*tor.
w* 11 ii* 1 Rim. j tim 1 com
Ii
re
£
p j
*< 1
§
j]
ii
Chr
mtianity. Iksoosced both Democratic ooU
A glance at this heterogeneous frontis-
piece would cause the wsytarer to Imag-
ine that tlve man who runs ail that busi-
ness must have his hands full, and after
tlve most natural fashion in the world lead
him to exclaim; “What a versatile genius
brother Linn must be, and what an un-
paralleled scope he lias given to Ms strug-
I Kle tor a livelihood!"
300,000' They are convinced uuw that they made
a mistake, and now th«y are good Democrats
again; ready to go into the Democratic csnrtn*
irons again, with the intention of betraying the
party and serving the Prohibition party.
Fellow-citizens. Prohibition was introduced in-
to Texas u a fraud; it has been nursed here as a
fraud. It is wrapped in the livery of Hcavfea, but
it comes to serve the devil. It dunes to regulate
by law our appetites and our daily lives*. It comes
to tear down liberty and build up fanaticism, hy-
pocrisy and intolerance. It comes lo confiscate
by a legislative decree the property of many of our
fellow-citizena. It comes to send spies, detectives
and informers into our houses ; to have us arrested
and carried before courts and condemned to fines
and imprisonments. it comes to dissipate the
sunlight af happincsz, peace and prosperity in
which we are now living, and to fill our lands with
alienation, estrangements and bitterness. It
comes to bring us evil, only fill and that contin-
ually. Let us rioe in our might like one man
and overwhelm it with such a demonstration of
popular indignation that we will never hear of it
again io Texas as long as grass grows or water
runs!
“Kn’t that Mrs. Holmes? I thought
the doctors gave her up. She looks well
now.” »
“SheJk well. After the doctors gave
up her case ahe tried Dr. Plerce’a ‘favo-
rite Prescription’ and began to get better
right away. I heard her sav not long
ago, that she hadn’t felt so well in twenty
years. She does her own work and says
that life seems worth living, at lafct.
‘Why,* said she, ‘1 feel as if 1 had been
raised from the dead, almost/ ** Thus do
thousands attest the marvelous efficacy of
this God-given remedy tor female weak-
ness, prolapsus, ulceration, leucorrhcea,
morning slckneas, weakness of stomach9
tendency to cancerous disease, nervous
prostration, general debility and|kindrcd
affections.
About six
game
fe*m« st th« b«««
afternoon. In
4“l‘v exclUn*. but
that tl
tended
till* l**ue his been
therefore able to five
Cox, I. f.
Ebe/, e.
Nelms, c. I.
Andrus*, p,
CleavVl b
Cook, r. f.
Richards, 3 b.
Cullinane, a. a
Alexander, 1 h. S
»
Ewald, 3 b.
Ward, I. I.
Mansfield, p.
Carter, c.
Hlnejf, 1 b.
Mansfield, 1 b.
Cornwall, c. f.
M( Clinton, a,a. j
Wilson, r. f. 5
H bev run oft of
Richards declared out 1
run. I’uKMcd balls, Bbev t,
Wild pitches, McCMntoa a. “
Denihon 1, Dallas 4.
Denison, 433406
Dallas, 1014
In the jfaiiMi of base
Sherman Frida/ afternw
Association nine of Shi
Gate City nine of
nings were played
lesult, the score
Another Inning wi
resulted in two rims tor t
and u goose egg for
match will Ire playad
Mf:'
invent, wl
1 rtUfr
n. Aw
OT!
Closing Week ot tho '
The neat week will
schools for thl* session,
the public an opportunity to 1
public schools, the following
lias been prepared: Oral exai
will Ire held and recitations 1
Monday In the schools of Miss I
at the First ward bul
Walker, Frixxell and l
school building; on
schools of Mr*. Ford and M
the high school, and of tl
Fourth ward buildings; J~
In the intermedl '
partments
Th# secon
work will be held’
5 p. m., at the
Graduating exercises,
musical entertalnr
the opera house
menclng at 8 p. m.
tee will be charged I
opera house Friday eve*
fit of the public school
body I* Invited to attest
exercises.
KB- I.
At a meeting ot
National Bank, held
elect a new cashier and
the place of Mr. Wilmot
tired recently In c©
Mr. N. S. Ernst
positions. Mr. Ernst has
with this bank as teller e
lablishment In DenlaMt 1
courtesy and gencrall
done much to bring I
concern to Its presents
Ing condition. The cltlxen* «
have manlscsted their confide
ability and integrity by
him city treasurer, the laal
opposition. We are pie*
Mr. Ernst’s promotion to I
and directory ot thl* e
institution and have no
dieting that he wilt
credit to himseif
concerned.
"NMgjg
■h'H
»v« rev ■**»•
111 ail the^
TBIJB BLUB.
The present bis
Gazkttkm Is due,
time* are hard, tor bust net
not to the fear of a future
trade, for the future never
promising; but, true to its
Antl-prohibitloa
tore the public in this I
adopted colors of the /
strating by its
by it* inward
upon the 1
the attcti
wish to
principles we 1
hope that the
urc too consistent to 1
side has to say, will be 1
our outward garb the sum
lean In tire coming issue.
dbcMt
■ <*49
The public t:
wright High'
Anderson are
Monday, June
days. A most
treen arranged for
which reflects
indicates a
Steam Printing
grammes an*
they are the ________
that ha* been turned out >
year. |
■otIldi ra«f
A man with a [
ing powder in Ilia
the -door of the
Texas town.
“Iv’e got son
housekeeper ought to I
“What I* It?” ask
“It is a new kind
“None lor me, If
up on some f
It was of no
“Is that so? Is it
been here before?”'
It I* rumored
cicrlu have
closing rule they will 1
praying merchant* to
the'day and stay
is argued, would
the boy* and 1
the
kickers who
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The Sunday Gazetteer. (Denison, Tex.), Vol. 6, No. 5, Ed. 1 Sunday, June 5, 1887, newspaper, June 5, 1887; (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth555307/m1/1/: accessed July 16, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Grayson County Frontier Village.