National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1923, Ed. 1 Saturday, January 16, 1813 Page: 2 of 4
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE
On the Report of the Committee of Ways
and Means on the petitions of the
Merchants for a remission of their
bonds.
[coNTixuED.3
Mr. GRUNDY, observed, that it was not
his intention to enter into a minute and detail
ed examination of the subject; it was the duty
of the members of the Committee of Ways and
Melms to do so—and they had certainly per-
formed it in a manner highly sa-isfactory to the
House. There were, however, some general
principles involved in this discussion, on which
the decision of the question must ultimately
depend ; to these he should confine the remarks
which he was about to make, excep' so far as
a reply to the observations of others, from
whom he differed in opinion, might be deemed
' necessary. What, sir, is the true character of
the question before y-,u ? and who are the men
xvho ask relief? The answer is an obvious
one : by the violation of the penal laws of the
country, the sum of twenty millions of dollars
have been forfeited to the people of the U. S.
The infr.actors of the laws (acknowledged to
be such by the very act of petitioning) now
ask an entire remission of the penalties incur-
red. Before this is done, you will certainly
look at that course of policy which the govern-
ment has pursued in relation to this subject, as
well as the conduct of the petitioners. 1 o
shew the first, we need only look to the occur-
rences of last session : at an early period, a
proposition to suspend the non-importation act
was made by a gentleman from South-Carolin..;
after a full discussion, it w as either abandoned
by the proposer or negatived by the House. 1 o
permit the entry of the Bri'ish manufactured
articles of which the late importations consist,
was the avowed object. Some time afterwards,
an attempt to modify' the law, so as to effect the
same object, was madt—this was also disap-
proved of.. After the declaration of war, a gen-
tleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Richardson)
moved an entire repeal of, the restrictive sys-
tem : this met the fate of the two former pr.
positions. Titus7 did this House, on three dif-
ferent applications, declare that the non-im
portation act should remain the law' of the land
and perhaps ■ o case has ever occurred upon
which this House pronounced so decisive
opinion ; for the subject was presented in every
shape of which it was susceptible, and the re-
sult was the same. What, sir, has folluwed ?
The petitioners have, in point of fact, repealed
the law whiefc you refuse# to repeal—they
have trodden under foot that policy which you
declared should b« preserved as sacred ; and
they now ask of you to give an after-sanction
to their conduct. You had their cases as fully
before you .at the last session as at present
for all remember, that your table groaned be
neath the weight of their petitions. After a
full examination, you rejected their applies
tions [ and i. the prayer of these petitioners is
now granted, may it not be said, with truth,
that these men have over ruled the law and the
law-makers ? This, sir, is A state of things
which in a republic can never be permitted.
We justly boast this is a government of laws;
ai d unless you cause the law s to be respected
and the wiil of the people to be regarded,
when expressed through the medium of their
legitimate organs, there is no way by which
the refractory members of the community can
be kept within proper limits, and prevented
from disturbing the harmony of society, as well
a.- the just and necessary policy of the coun
try. >
Let us now enquire, what has been the con-
duct of the petitioners and how far that enti-
tles them t<-»he favorable interposition of this
House ? '1 h non importation law was adopted
■<y- ,____—r---- 1-----6ing ti cai Britain to a
fJft’W hrtjrrfKgecra of that
a-,:___* ir sufferings, the minis-
try should be brought to yield to our just
claims ; in fact, . rhe great obj et was t» pro-
duce apressure upon the manufacturers of that
nation, and thereby produce a change of mea-
sures,towards us. How w'as this to be effected ?
Only in one way ; which was by preventing as
far as possible the purchase of British manu-
factures; for it was in making the purchase and
• payment, that the relief wras afforded, which
was inteuded to be withheld. In attaining this
object, our government was compelled to con-
sult the means within its power. To have de-
clared it penal to purchase Bri ish manufac-
tures-in England would have been idle; tin
law would have been inoperative ; to say no-
thing of the doubtfulness of the question how
it is competent in a nation o punish an act
which has taken place beyond iis limit9 and
within the jurisdiction of a distinct independ-
ent sovereignty. In practice, the effect of such
a law would have been defeated by the remote-
ness of the place at which the act was commit-
ted, and the difficulty- of procuring testimony.
There was then left that method only which
was adopted, to declare by law that those arti-
cles should not.be imported to this country, as
the means by which to prevent their purchase
in England. I have stated, and no reflecting-
man will, I am sure, contn vert it, that to pro-
duce a pressure upon the manufacturers in En-
gland was die object of die law, and evury com-
mercial man so unders ood It. How far have
the petitioners co-operated with their own go
vernmeot ? Sir, instead of endeavoring to
give efficacy to your measures, they have, from
the day when you designed that the effects of
this law should be felt by the enemy, been en-
gaged in vesting their capital in British manu-
factures and thereby furnishing that relief
which was intended by this government to be
withheld. This fact is fully manifested upon
the face of their own petitions. Do the e cir
cupist.ances present the applicants in such a
point ofviiptv to this body as to entitle them to
the relief claimed by them ? Not content with
that profit (which the fair merchant gains in
t times of p^ace and unembarrassed trade, they
ask permission to enjoy that extraordinary pro-
fit which is produced, by their having violated
the laws ft the country, and thereby procured
a monopoly ifj the market. If the non-importa
tion law Had not existed, instead of tiie value
of twentj/ millions, near three times that a-
amount would have been imported. Qi course
the quantity being greater, the conipe iiion a-
mong the importers wo^d have been inef^as-
ed, uud the profits on any given sum would be
less.
It is required of us, not only to give to these
men, their capital invested in British goods
under the circumstances I have named, with
the ordinary profits of trade, but we are asked
to give them a bounty for their transgressions.
In ihort, they solicit permission to tax the com-
munity at discretion, and this privilege is to
be bestowed on thcnWor the sole reast n, that
they have violated tha laws of their country.
That the importers, who have already made
sales, have laid an unreasonable .and unprece-
dented advance on the; prime cost of every ar-
ticle is admitted, and that those who have" hoi
sold will have it completely in heir .p.ower to
do so, no man can controvert. I wish gentle-
men to reft-, cl who is tb pay this hitlierta un-
Atard ul pi ofit of the importer., .Toe . consu-
mers* tve all know, pay tins, when they pur-
ch,cp of the retailers Already then has the 1 der its provisions for twelve years, and neve
communitybcerMaxi d to a considerable amount, before the present session, has a complaint
and these petitioners, if this bill shall pass, are
to have the whole benefit.
Suppose, as the honorable member from N.
York (Mr. Mitchill) fias stated, “ That had the
Orders in Council been repealed, and the intel-
ligence had reached this country before tlie
18th day of June last, that war would not haw
been declared,” I ask, whether it may not fair-
ly be mferred from occurrences which have
taken place, that but for the relief afforded by
the American merchants to the manufacturers
... England, the orders in council would
have been repealed at an earlier period and of
course the war would not have been declaimed.
It s: ould be recollected, for the evidence taken
in the House of Commons clearly proves it,
(and it is presumed that each member^ has ex-
amined that testimony,) that the ministry of
England did not abandon their orders in Coun-
cil voluntarily, but were compelled to do so by
the sufferings of their own people, and surely
that distress which at last produced their re-
peal would have operated so as to produce the
effect at an earlier period, had no supplies been
furnished from this country. If the gentleman
from New-York be correct in his hypothesis, I
do not think it too harsh to say that the
conduct of the petitioners and others in similar
circumstances has produced this war. Let it,
however be distinctly understood, that I differ
entirely from that gentleman in the opinion by
him expressed, “ That the orders in Council
were the only cause of war.” Independent of
them, there were other great causes which de
manded an assertion of our rights by^force,
causes which still exist and require a vigorous
prosecution of the war—but this is not a pro-
per time to go into a discussion of the points
in difference between the two nations, and
therefore forbear to detain the House by an ex-
amination of them.
Gentlemen have assumed a strange high-
minded position in this argument, the force of
which I confess is beyond my 'comprehension.
They s..y, you must remit the whole of these
forfeitun s or exact the utmost farthing, or the
consequence will be, that you' prostrate the
dignity of your laws. I appeal to you, sir,
whether it be not possible to mingle justice and
mercy together. Can you not punish without
destroying 1 Can you not 9ave from ruin while
you do away the motives to a repetition of an
offence ? And on the score of preserving your
laws from future violations, which is most like-
ly to succeed, the infliction of a mild punish-
ment or none at all ? A man of plain common
sense would answer, without hesitation, the
former. In the event of an entire remission of
the forfeitures, you invite, nay, more, you hold
out a strong tempiarion to others to violate
the non-importation law. But, if you enforce
the penalties to a certain extent, you deprive
them of the prospect of gain, and of course
legve no inducement for either the petitioner
or others to act in a similar manner. Sir, let
us.examine the nature of the claim whidh.these
men affect to have on the government. They
alledge that they had funds in England to the.
amount of the prime cost of the goods im
ported, and that it was not possible to wi hdraw
these funds in specie. Be it.so. If the specie
could have been procured, n argument in their
favor, it is admitted by their advocates, could
have been urged with propriety. How, then
does the subject present itself for a fair deci
sion ? The petitioners have funds in England
th' v desire to get them to their own country,
but cannot do so, without introducing articles
prohibited by law—they do import goods for-
feited the moment they ai rive in an American
port—the government Seizes them, but says-to
the importer, although the whole of this pro-
perty is forfeited to the American people, yet
lhe amount in specie which you had in England
shall be restored to you, but you shall not lay
the citizens of the U. States under cpntribu
don. You m;.y enjoy your capital unimijak’ecL
hin iv^wh-imeia r.omyou. By.ding in this
way, you guard your laws from future infrac-
tions—you teach those who are disposed to
act improperly, that they cannot profit by it. I
entreat those who are friendly to the non-im-
portation law o look at the consequences
which must follow the passage of thiXbill. It
is stated by the New York committee, that
American property situated precisely like that
■ •ri which we are legislating, still remains in
England. It the present petitioners succeed,
hotv can you refuse the same thing toothers e-
qually deserving the indulgent consideration of
lie House. The arguments of those who here-
after import will be stronger, because, in addi-
tion to those now used, they can urge the de-
cision on this bill as a precedent in their favor,
and under the pretext of property purchased
in England by American citizens, British
goods—I mean goods belonging to British
subjects—will be brought tp this country equal
to, -he demand in the market; and let not gen-
tlemen imagine they Can prevent this by re-
quiring evidence of the time of purchase. Men
in England, starving for want of employment,
will find testimony to help--hem to a market ;
and I am sorry to ailmitMt, but the fact is so,
they will find men in this country disposed to
assist them.
The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr .
Calhoun) for w hose opinions no member on >his
floor entertains a higher opinion than I do, has
said that by not passing this bill we are autho-
rising the S. cretary of the Treasury to impose
a tax i n these men at his discretion. Sir, this
view of the subject is a mistaken one—if I
know any thing of the principles of taxation.
It may be considered as the assessment of a sum
ol money upon the community or particular
portions of it wiiliout regard to their past con-
duct ; it falls alike upon the virtuous and vici-
ous ; upon those who have observed as
those who have violated the laws of the coun-
try ; the past is not regarded, it operates pros-
pectively altogether. Far different is the case
before you—here the properly has already bi.en
forfeited, and has under txisung laws been
vested in the American peojde, and the at-
tempt made by those who ate opposed to the
rem ssion is not to clothe the secretary with
any neiv powers, but to prevent these men
from depriving the community of that which
is at this time public properly.
The law vesting the secretary with the pow-
er to remit fines and forfeiture is strangely mis-
understood. It is lepresented as a law of rig-
or and severity—this is not its true character.
It contains those provisions oniy which are
calculated to mitigate the punishment inflicted
by penal laws. No man is bound to app‘y to the
Secretary; if he chooses to submit 10 theopeia-
uon of the lows, ht can do so. It is only in cases
where the party is of opinion that the laws
ought not to be enforced to their full extent,
that an application to the Secretary of the Trea-
sury for a remission or mitigation is contem-
plated, and this power of softening the rigor
of ilie laws in every well regulaied society ex-
ists in some department of the governm. t.
This law is now complained of as being ty-
rannical in its principles, but gentlemen have
certainly tailed to prove this in argument ; it
rests on assertion only. O11 the other hanu,
l has the strongest reasons in us favor. L
was passed in federal times. This should
give 11 the sanction of a certain class of
politicians. No attemp s were made to repeal it
when the republicans came into power ; so far
u'Ojn it, they have acquiesced, and practiced uu-
been heard Gentium in, I apprehend, on re-
flection do riot find much cause for exultation
in having discovered that the present secreta-
ry of the trea.-ury voted against this law when
ameriiber of “Congress, and having urged that
as a reason, why lie was an improper person to
act under it. True, this disclosure excited a
smile on the countenances of some, but it was
evident, that it was not the smile of benevo-
lence or good humor, but proceeded from very
different feelings. \Vha , sir, does all Ibis a-
mount to ? Mr. Gall tin, when a member of
Congress, voted against a particular bill; it
however, became a law. Several years after-
wards he is called to an important office,
the duties of which require him to execute
this law. It certainly does not follow, that be-
cause he voted against the law that he will not
execute it faithfully. Might it not with as touch
more propriety be urged, thatJie who voted
against a decT.ration of war, should not be
trusted with the sword of his country under
any circumstances. Or,'that he who voted a-
gainst any encrease of the Navy, should never
be permitted to fight for his country on the
ocean ? Or, that the member of a legislature
who had voted against any important measure,
which had to be enforced by ’he judiciary,
should never sit as a judge when questions
under such a law were to be decided on.
The gentleman to my right (Mr. Lowndes)
had, without well considering the import ot
what he was saying, declared that the govern-
ment will profit more by returning this twen-
ty millions of dollars to the merchants, than by
retaining it—and appears to have convinced
himself that we shall annually get five millions
in duties from them for this twenty millions.
If,-sir, I could believe this, l would certainly
vote with him; and not only vould I do this, but
I would be in favor of bori owing to the full a-
mount of the nation’s credit and give to the
merchants. We could no doubt borrow at
eight per cent, and if we could then by giving it
away to that class of men who seems, in the
opinion of some gentlemen entitled to all favor,
obtain 25 per cent the war and all the ex-
pences of the government would not be felt -
But, sir, this plan of mi king money is too fa
v rable to be well founded, and before I can
accord with it, my judgment must be better
sarisfk-d. I am afraid to makefile experiment.
We are told, if a remissi >n does pot take
place, great dissatisfaction will prevail among
the merchants—-they will not lend their money
and will embarrass you in the prosecution o
the war. Sir, believe me, it is not by doing
injustice to the rest of the community in
order to keep the merchants in good humor,
that you will be enabled to get on in the war
advantageously. As to obtaining money on
loans, make it the interest of the money bold-
er to lend to the government ajid he will do so,
and when he is deliberating on the sub-
ject, the great enquiry generally is, whether,
this is the most profitable way of disposing of
his capital.
Were I disposed to intimidate gentlemen
on this occasion, I could tell them of another
class of citizens who have an Interost in this
question. A class of men composing nine-
tenths of the community, who, when they
speak, will and must be heard with effect.
f Debate to be Continued.J
DEBATE ON THE NEW ARMY BILL.
(continued.)
Mr RHEA said, he would vote for
the bill, believing the provisions there-
of not only right but necessary. The
object is to raise an additional regular
force for one year, and to repeal th6
law respecting volunteers—and if con*
jeeture may be indulged, the torg^n-
than that contemplated by the
law intended to be repealed.
This bill is opposed on the ground,
that the force contemplated by it (and
the gentleman who has finished his ex-
planation of his opinions, appears to en-
tertain that notion) ^inadequate to the
purpose intended by it. Are the pur-
poses known for which it is intended ?
will that be expressly said? will the
gentleman who last spoke on the sub-
ject say it ? He says he will vote a-
gainst the passage of the bill,because he
deems it inadequate to the purpose in-
tended—then it is presumed he has
plunged into futurity and acquiredja
complete knowledge of future events—
if he has not acquired that knowledge,
his vote against the bill will be without
the reason for which he says he will
vote, and so far as relates to that par-
ticular reason, that vote will be unsup-
ported. To convince a gentleman who
voted against the war, believing it
wrong, 'that now it is right, is nearly if
not altogether impossible, and a vote
in such case for a measure in support of
the war is not to be expected, for it is
presumed a course taken will not be
abandoned.
By what calculation is that knowledge
obtained, /which takes for granted that
the force intended by the bill is design-
ed to conquer Canada? Is this know-
ledge derived from a calculation of the
number of regiments and troops already
existing by law ? Any calculation of
that kind , will fail in the conclusion.
But it seems that the honor of the coun-
try forbids a strict enquiry into the
number of troops now existing on the
military establishment Well, so far then
the honor of the country is safe—but
will the honor of the country be sup-
ported by a negative vote? A term of
enlistment for twelve months is said to
be too short a period for service; a term
of five years heretofore probably was
too long ; ally middle term might also
he objected to, why ? only because the
war was deemed improper, and 01
course every measure to support the
war is also deemed improper. The war
is against Great Britain, by reason of
the many aggressions and usurpations
which that power lor a series of years
nas been in the perpetration of against
the persons, property and sovereignty
ol the United Slates, ll the war be, as
it is said to be, wrong and improper*
what is that course of conduct which
would have been right lor the United
States to have pursued ? Woulu sub-
mission to the will ol Great Britain have
oeen right? War or submission were
the oniy alternatives—and a vote for the
war was a vote against submission. The
unprofitable business of negociation
need not be taken into view, to mani-
fest the anxiety of the United States to
maintain peace. These motives are
known to the sovereign people of this
nation—they are known to the people
of the British empire, who may have
dispassionately examined the volumes
of that chaotic negociation, chaotic by
reason of the many windings of the
British government, which ended in
nothing.
The United States drank the very
dregs of the cup of disappointment
arising from negociation—war then re-
mained to be adopted in place of fruit-
less negociation—but that War it seems
is improper, and so is every measure to
sup'port the war. If tfic bill declaring
war hud been negatived by a vote of
this House, what would have been the
consequence ? Great Britain had to
negociation refused justice—the conse-
quences need not be mentioned, they
will present themselves to the impar-
tial enquirer. If after war was declar-
ed every measure tojsupport that war
had been refused and withheld, similar
or worse consequences would have fol-
lowed—but an unanimity in f .w cases
is to be expected, much less in a case
so important as a declaration of war or
of measures to carry it on.
But it has been said, and truly too,
that in the commencement ot the war
the United States have suffered disas-
ters, two cases of that description havfc
occurred—one. at Detroit, the other at
Queenstown. At Detroit an army com-
posed of brave determined and warlike
men, were for some reason or other
sutTendered without resistance to the
enemy—this case may be passed over
without comment, until a cieveiopcment
ofit in a proper manner be made—but
this much is noticed, that detached
parties of that army were t ied in battle
against parties of the enemy, were vic-
torious, nd on every trial prov-
ed themselves the brave defenders ot
the rights of their country. In relation
to the disaster at Qeeenstown little need
now be said, because the respectable
and gallant officer who commanded at
that battle, has in his statement pub-
lished fully accounted for it and mani-
fested the cause thereof—but where did
ever troops fight and contend ag instun
enemy with more virtue and unremit-
ting courage, than the troops of the U-
States did who fought that battle—and
although they were ultimately overpow-
ered by numbers greatly superior, they
nevertheless proved themselves the
worthy defenders of the righths of their
country, and have for themselves ac-
quired a name of renown, which will be
,remembered as long as the heights of
Queenstown shall remain.. The gallant
brave men there engaged with_the ene-
my pave d specimen of what American
------wart UO, ftlldlf H IGW
hundred more men such as they were
had been with them, the heights of
Queenstown would have witnessed the
ruin of the defeated and captured ene-
my. Let us not talk about these disas-
ters now; sufficient about them has been
said. Every American heart Lit chag-
rin because of the surrender of the ar-
my at Detroit, and in the heart of every
American is erected a monument in re-
,membrance of the heroes who fell in
defence of American rights at the bat-
tle of Queenstown. T.hese two cases
have been noticed by the highest officer,
in this nation, in a manner the most
magnanimous and expressive of his
confidence in the exertions and success
ot this nation. Let the Legislature of
tats union provide so that similar cases
in future may be prevented.
CDebate to be continued.)
from ins nos ton patriot. >
BRITISH MAGNANIMITY.
Journal of an American Officer , f cap-
tured at Queenstown on the 13th Oc-
tober), kept on his passage from Fort
George to Boston.
Part of the Regulars, taken prisoners
in the action, had been sent to York the
day after. On the 19th Oct. the re-
mainder embarked for Montreal; touch-
ed at York to receive the prisoners sent
a-head, and here lieut. col. Scott (the
senior officer) and lieut. Bayley, were
shifted to the Royal George, of 22 guns;
lieut. colonel Chrystie, lieuts. Kearpey,
Huginin, Sammons, and Reab, remain-
ed on board the Earl of Moira, of 10
guns; and lieuts. M'Cartey, Turner,
Fink, and Carr, on board the Simcoe.—*
Besides seamen, there was on board
each vessel a strong guard of land
troops.
Arrived at Kingston on the 21st, and
remained till the 26th ; during whicji
period, officers and men were.confined
on board. Lieutenant colonel Scott ad-
dressed a note to colonel Vincent, com-
manding officer ut Kingston, request-
ing leave to go ashore lor a few mi-
nutes, but received no answer. Lieut,
colonel Chrystie made a similar appli-
cation in behalf of a sick officer, and
experienced a like neglect. A British
Lieutenant on board the Eitrl of Moira,-
aving witnessed the efleets of confine-
ment in that miserable dungeon, per-
mitted some of the American officers
to walk on the atijomlng whurx wu.ii
lnmsell. For this act of humanity, At
was deprived of his sword ! Lieutenant
Turner- iietng sick, remained 'bemud at
Kingston tot a few days, and signed a
vparole, which gJVe him the limits of
the whole town. . When he became a
little convalescent,, be stepped across'
the street into a shop, to have himself
shaved. An officer was despatched to
order him back tp his room ; but find- '■>
ing the barber had not finished the o«
peration,a moment’s respite was allow-
ed. This unmanly weakness did not
escape the keen eye of colon< I Vincent.
The subaltern was arrested, and ano-
ther officer, of better nerve, instantly
despatched to force the sick American
from the hands of the barber, shaved or
not shaved. Deecended. the St. Law-
rence from Kingston, on the 26th Octo- 1
her, in a brigade of batteailx, with a
strong guard, commanded by captains
Evans and Niern, and quarter-master
Finney. These officers performed their
respective duties with .vigilance, but
not without politeness. Reached Pres-
cott (opposite to Ogdensburg) on the
27th. Colonel Pearson comm nded
this post. In a recent passage out from
England, he had been taken by an A~
merican privateer, but re-etfptui ed near
the port of Salem Colonel Pearson
made to us every acknowledgment, for
the politeness he himself had received,
while a prisoner. At this place colo-
nel Lcftbridge (the same who had a lit-
tle time before made an attempt on
Ogdensburg) took command of the
guard. lie was polite and attentive to
his charge. At the mouth of the River
Raisin, on the 29th October, we fell in-
to the hands of the D putf Quarter-
Master-General, one Gray, sent hither
to receive the prisoners, by his Excel-
lency Sir George Prevost. From this
moment tve were made to feel our ap-
proach towards the Governor-General
of His Majesty’s Provinces, by every
act of studied indignity, which the low
and vulgar mind of Quarter-Master
Gray could invent, aided by the instruc-
tions of His Excellency. / •
On the night of the 30th, we slept at
Lachine, nine miles above Montreal.
The next day a triumphal procession
commenced; Under the pretence of
politeness to the officers, calaishes werhs
provided for th- m, out with the real
intention of giving feet to the pro-
cession ; and with the same view a
large escort of troops came up fromJI
Montreal. *
The march commenced early in th«^
morning; officers in calaishes, at ths
head of the men , the whole preceded
by the said Deputy Qu irtcr-Master-
Gcneral, who, seated in his car, lode in
triumph and insolence. On entering
Montreal, the band began to play, and
was occasionally relieved by field mu-
sic. In this manner the march contin-
ued through the principal streets, to>
the front of the palace, where a halt was
made, and the American ©fficers order-
ed to dismount for the gratification of-
his Excellency. When a competent
time had been allowed for otaring fr*m
the palace, the procession continued,
the whole on foot, to the grand parade,
and here Inarched from right to left of
the garrison turned out for that pur-
pose. The parade being cleared to ac-
commodate the multitude of spectators,,
and sufficient time allowed the garrison
to look well in the f&ce an enemy with-
out “ those vile things called guns,**
the officers were turned off to a hotel,
and the other prisoners to places of con-
finement. At the hotel, a parole was
given which limited us to the city. ,
These indignities, of barbarous and
exploded usage, did not fill up the mea-
sure of wrongs, which this handful of
unfortunate Americans were doomed to
suffer.
At Kingston, seven prisoners were
seduced from their allegiance to enter
the British service. One of these mis-
creants, by way of testifying his zesri to
his Royal Master, was induced to charge
lieutenant colonel Scott with having
killed- a British soldier after the sur-
render. This false and ridiculous ac-
cusation, the British officers affected to
check ; but before our arrivai'at Mon-
treal, it had been reported to his Ex-
cellency, and was so generally propa-
gated and believed, at Ilead-quarters, as
to render it m the opinion of a British
officer highly imprudent for lieutenant
c.olonel- Scott to be seen in the streets.
Thus was assassination invited by an
fhfamous report, which Sir George
Prevost must have known to be false.
Major-general Sheaffe, in his official
dispatch, could have given no grounds
for such a belief; because this officer,
and every other who was in the action,
would know' it to be false. Captain
Gibson and lieutenant Totten (of the U.
S. A.) from their situation particularly
know it to be so.
November 2d, f»nbarked for Quebec,
guarded by Canadian militia. The of-
ficers of this corps did every thing in
their power to ameliorate the condition
ot the prisoners. Arrived before Que-
bec on the 7th, and ordered* on board
a prison ship, anchored in the miodle
ol the river. The next morning a note
was received from major general Glas-
gow, commanding officer at Quebec,
stating, “ I am directed to acquaint you,
that his Excellency, the cominunclor of
the Forces;, has thought proper to de-
tain the prisoners of war on Inward the
transports, and that th a officers should
also remain on board the transports
%with\lhcm.” This afforded a tolerable
prospect of a Winter in a floating dun-
geon ; but lest our feelings should not
have been sufficiently outraged by the
past, we were courteously told in the
same note, as also from -Sir George,
r--
/
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National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1923, Ed. 1 Saturday, January 16, 1813, newspaper, January 16, 1813; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth996005/m1/2/?q=%22%22%7E1: accessed May 1, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .