The Weekly Southern Intelligencer. (Austin City, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 10, Ed. 1 Friday, September 8, 1865 Page: 1 of 4
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AUSTIN CITY, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1865.
conscience in
. . _ regard to the innocence or
guilt of Secession. You are not a superhu-
man philosopher—onlv a human, John Smith
These influences could and would mould mv
opinion and feeling. As sure as you Uw
John^ they do yours, and you know it. '
Do you pretend, Peter Jones, to say I am
not perfectly sincere in denying that Seces-
sion was a criminal movement? " you indig-
nantly ask. Not at all, John. You are pei
Thi MM«?Cere' ^ ut tbat ProTe8 nothing.—
The Mabommedans as sincerely beliere that
Mahomet was a true prophet as you do that
Secession is not criminal, "
Y/OÑ0 DEPARTURE OF THE MAILS,
LRmston b#M arrives every Wednesday, Friday
ound f Morning, at 3 o'clock.
Ki wery Tueaday, Thuisday and Saturday, at 12
ftai Antonio mail anivea every Monday, Tburs-
L nuj 8*tnrday night, at 11 o'clock.
i every Sunday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6
twico mail arrive every Monday, Thursday,
Saturday, tt 12 m.
i eTery Sunday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6
TheUreat (tuestfon.
(A FRIENDLY LETTER TO JOHN SMITH.
¡dear John:—You will remember bow
11 bare told you that, neither your pur.
nor tbe purpose of all the John Smiths
fee world put together, should be the rule
r opinion, feeling, conduct in regard to
jios. Therefore, as I said then, I say
t, 1 have no idea of making my conscience,
refereqpe to this or anything else, a rule,
n, for your government. Th orougbly sat •
id, is yon know I ever have been, and
r am, that Secession was a criminal enter
i, 1 conld not if I would, T would not if I
d, impose my conscience therein as a law
i you. I am too liable to err—you know
r wrong I was and how right you turued
[to be io reference, year? ago, to Know
Dingiam—not to be opeo to the incessant
ts you bare been making all tbe last four
i to convince me tbat Secession is a cause
11 have embarked. I only
, John, ta &turu, that you should deal,
have no doubt you will, as fairly by
, I not flatter when I say that you are,
ivery sense of the word, as well informed,
, as honest a man as myself. The
lis, in every thing except in this matter
«cession, I rather think you are ray su-
or, and have never in the least objected
J yo« should have been elected an officer
r church while I remain a private mem-
Yon will aot be angry with me, John,
[ventare very respectfully to say a word
ro? If I wound your feelitigs in tbe
, pardon me, I assure you It is exactly
t thing I intended ; my aim is precisely
pposita of that. Well, then—I ascribe,
, jour (to me) amazing persistence in
ling ie see that Secession was a wicked
g, the failure of which is a right-
I event greatly to be rejoiced iu, not to
defect in you, John, whatever, either in
I or heart, hut to the many and powerful
Innceasiog influences to which you have
I for so long a time éxposed. It is pow
I bias to a man in this matter the having
[bora, and having lived all his life, at the
hi as that is equally true of us both we
fair from the word—go. If /, like you,
fT®r bad so suddenly lost near one hun
likely negroes, to say not a word of
f «*y losses of property, I say it would
|oade me exceedingly sore; though I
'ieving that you would know-
r permit yourseit to be decided as to the
[ or ttie wron? of any thing by Sordid
«•tons of either lass Or gate—oQly,
aühaman, Jebn, human. If my read-
theie four years had been exclusively
, ' 'Mátrs, federal atrocities, extracts
an^ papers friendly to
cy, Confederate reasonings,
. poetry, appeal, and the like, I
t^navebeen more than mortal not to
^wen moulded |n thought and feeling
íf'I bád! beard the awful
i speeches, upon street and
you have, doubtless it would
o me as much as it bas you.r-
the mortification of defeat, too,
Lrffi Wt by the noblest natures, With
^*^ve dread of seeming, by the least
WWatia the matter, to be fickleof
j or graven of heart. And, if all of
■ bad, like yours, bren Secession
t do not pretend I would
. other árame of mind than
i of aow are—the estimable
170ar household. John, their ardent
I fear, but believe, would have
™ Ton are, perhaps more decided,
i If I had beard, too, the
to that effect that you
the war began, I do not see how I
come to any other conclusion
1 that, so for from being a crim-
Seceailon Was, and now is,
'os cause the world ever uw.
i of the influences which have
*9.'ong>which are stillbear-
sake, eonfees, man,
. i likely to bias your mind,
W jodgmeqt, to blind even you*
NO.
. j , , -r-¡—r— So of erery false-
hood since the world fell. As to that, the
twenty millions at the North sincerity believe
that Secession is a sin. I heartily agree
that you are as honest and sincere as a man
can be, only, never advance that as any proof
in regard to the moral character of Seces-
TV .JouJinow'a® we!I « I, it U none at
all, is it ? None the less responsible for be-
ing wrong I Now, other men who believed
in and fought for the Confederacy may, just
drift, now the war is over, bands folded, eyes
shut giving no further thought to the matter.
You are neither that'sordid, nor that stupid
John. You must hold some clear and fixed
belief in tbe matter. You do. But I want
you to see that you are mistaken, and that
Secession ha3 been a thoroughly aod terriblv
wrong thing. I will have to pack my reasons
very close, merely hint them. Divest your
mind of all prejudice and heat, imagino we
are discussing a revolution that took place
in Europe a thousand years ago.
Consider, first, in how many points in re
gard to Secession you have been wrong,
John. Wrong, tbat there would be no war.
Wrong, that cotton is King. Wrong, that
Europe would intervene. Wrong, tuat the
Yankees couldn't fight. Wrong, that the
North would become bankrupt. Wrong,
that the Democratic party at the North would
como into power. Wrong, John, in very
many other matters pertaining to the move-
ment. Good Heavens, John, was there one
single point in regard to it upon whieh you
were not wrong ? In the last month you
have firmly believed that the slaves were not
permanently free, Emancipation Proclama-
tion to the contrary notwithstanding. • It is
only yesterday you began to see that you are
wrong in that, too. Now, when you have
been wrong so often, so very, very often in
regard to this movement, may you not be
wrong in this point pertaining thereto—its „„
not being a criminal undertaking:? You..*. degree possessed many of them, 'as well as
have given up many a thing as thoroughly
bedded in your understanding and feelings a*s
your belief in the righteousness of Secession,
all the experiences and probabilities in the
matter are- that this sincere belief, however
you now hug it, will have to go with the
rest. You have had to abandon every other
position you have occupied in this matter up
to date; at least don't be so intensely sure-
pardon me, John—but that you will have to
give up this last one also.
Look at tbe inception of the whole thing.
No, sir, I will not say one word about place
and power and plunder slipping from tSe grasp
of Secession leaders as the mptive of their
course, for I am desirous not to wound your
feelings. You have to-day all the fall faith in
the wisdom and purity of purpose of our great
Secession leaders you had in 1861 ? Very well.
Not a syllable of truth in that if you will
have it so. But this I remind you of, we
bad Congress and the Supreme Bench—the
power of the Federal Government, on our
side. And up to 1860, no man charges that
Government with having done or even at-
tempted, from its organization, aught to our
barm. Ab, but the Lincoln administration
iuteuded to.drive U3 to the wall, you say. I
dart say you sincerely believed so, John, but,
then, your belief herein, as you ought to
know by this time, is a thing too swift and
insubstantial for you to have built so awful
an edifice thereon. Besides, the instant
Lincoln attempted it, be and his party would
have become, in the eyes of tbe nation and
the whole world, the " traitors," " rebels "
and we would have been the constitutional
United Sutes of America. Snowing this,
they in their platform solemnly disclaimed
and denouncéd just what we charged upon
them. As to these long winded reasonings
about the abstract State right of Secession,
you know as well as Iy tfiat thece filmy spec-
ulation. ^S^uTiEeTcobTweb lines which our
leaders have spun about us poor, inno-
cent flies since they got us into their venom-
ous clutch, to keep as there. When you vntf
L John, used to smoke our pipes upon your
front porch in the summer of 1859, you re-
member hoVr we despised such reasonings
then. Of course each separate State has its
own sacred rights, as each separate star in
the solar system has its motion and orbit, yet
there if an harmonious and all embracing
solar system, John, none the less. The Uni-
ted States is a people, a republic, a great na-
tion ; why the very breath yon use in saying
the words, blows all taich cob-web abstrac-
tions to tbe air. You made that very remark
to me once, John ; but jt was before this gust,
which has jult blown itself out, had caught
you off your respectable legs and whirled yon
aro sad and diaaod your brain so. Seces-
sion, disunion is to-day exactly what it seem-
ed to you and me, and every other good man
in the.lánd, in 1860. It was then an unborn
horror, yet how we abhorred it; abhorring
it the less only as we despised it tbe more.
O, Jóhn 1 John, was there cause enough for
ffce actual birth of this horror? now we have
had its demoniac presence in this fair land
its presence a power billions worse, John
than our woi-st fears ? Never tell me about the
agitation and aggression of the Abolitionists
as a sufficient cause for Secession. As if
tnut would in the least degree have rid us of
them 1 Besides, if slavery be indeed a thing
good and right, what needed we to fear the
utmost efforts of fanatics ? As a believer in
Christianity, John,.do you fear the worst ¿1
the bitterest and most active infidels on earth
canjdo against religion ? Not a bit of it.
As a Southern man it has always seemed
strangely inconsistent to me, that we should
be so positively certain tbat slavery is a di-
vine institution, and at the same instant so
terribly afraid of tbe efforts of men against
it ; so nervous about it, so terribly afraid!
No, John, as sure as you live we baa no suf-
ficient motive to so awful a step.
Just one word ia reference to the spirit in
which Secession was carried on here among
js at the South. With any file of Confede-
rate papers in your hand for the last four
years, with your excellent memory of that
whole period, check me instantly, John, if I
make a false statement of the spirit prevail
ing among us during the war. It was a rash
and reckless spirit from the outset, the dash
and rush of high spirited boys, rather than
the cool deliberation of grown men. We
kicked over the Government our fathers
erected so slpwly, at such a cost of treasure
and blood, a Government which bad made us
the wonder and the envy of the world for
eighty-five years. Ricked it over in a month
or so, exactly as a wilful boy dashes down
with his foot a cob house. It was a lying
spirit, John. No man denies but that the
statements made at the South and by which
Secession was sustained and encouraged
were—well, suppose we only say they all
turned out to be false I Out of that huge
file of papers in your hand cut out with
your scissors the paragraphs that were truth,
not falsehood—an exceedingly small propor-
tion, is it noi ? As to the rumors on the air
all those long years, the atmosphere Was as
loaded with lying as that of Vera Cruz, du
ring its worst season, is with yellow fever.—
And, bitterness ? Did Secessionists feel and
express toward the federals and Union men
any bitterness, John? I do not mean stern,
high, awful resolve; I mean the feeling we at
all times instantly condemn in others when
we see it, in ourselves wnen we feel it—a bad,
bitter feeling. No man reveros Southern wo-
man more than I do, but the spirit, which to
our sex—the Scccwion opirft—was it not
well, it ioat, at least, a different one from that
which had adorned and characterised them,
above all women in the world, hitherto. And,
the spirit which took possession of very
many ministers of the gospel, of those most
who went most into Secession. Tbe sermons,
John, the prayers, the interpretations of
scripture in reference to Secession I Pardon
me, not one word more will I say. Only this,
wat the Secession spirit, as it manifested it-
self in the pulpit, the holy spirit ? the spirit
of God ? It it was not, then, as sure as your
bible is true, so surely was it a spirit from—
below.
Consider, John, exactly the two things we
were aiming to accomplish by this movement:
Secession and slavery. Now, since the end
of the war, many of our ablest leaders have
publicly said, " whether we like it or not, we
are obliged to acknowledge it as a fact: Se-
cession Í3 forever exploded, slavery is eter-
nally dead." John, if these were good things
would tbey have been permitted to perish ?
No, sir, since tbe world began the Almighty
bas never permitted a good thing, a true
thing to perish yet I He destroyed them
simply because they were wrong. Secession!
Who of us has not known, all this war
through, that, even if the independence of
the South bad been achieved, the Southern
States Would soon have separated among
themselves I It means disintegration, dena-
tionalization, decomposition, death. And,
slavery I I whisper it to you, John, behind
my hand, we have all along agreed tbat so-
cially and economically, slavery is an evil,
even here among ourselves. We won't talk
about it I Semehow, it is a thing abhorred
by the whole world. A divine institution ?
Perhaps bo. Only, in letting it perish, as Pe
has done in such Beas of blood, the Almighty,
if that be tbe case, has left His conduct here-
in an a«ful mystery, in comparison to which
the doctrine of the Trinity, and the origin of
Évil, are matters of easy explanation. No,
John, Secession and slavery too, I fear, were
wrong things. Yet it was for these we plung-
ed this land into ruin 1 Secession and sla-
very—from the bridal of these two sprang
rebellion against our lawful government;.—
Such parents must be essentially wrong since
such is their legitimate offspring. Such off-
spring must indeed be criminal, the produce
of such parents I
Look, John, at the fruits of Secession.—
The Confederacy sprang with such speed
from the little seed under the soil, to the gi-
gantic Upas tree, as to have derived its heat
from a region we wot of, deeper down than
equator or tropic. And, bow rapidly its ter-
rible products matured. Count a few of tbe
largest and ripest of its fruits. Worthless
currency, repudiation, impressment, destruc-
tion of State rights, remorseless conscription,
martial law in every village, official corrup-
tion unparalleled, deliberate attempts to fire
great cities full of helpless women and in-
nocent children, social cruelty, in all its do-
scr*"nln« wife, assasinatioa, of
which that of Lincoln is but one and Uie
most conspicuous case; suicide, destruction
of hundreds of thousands of lives and bil-
uons of property, total and perpetual failure
of tbe object aimed at l A tree with suoh
í".' 1 I «n getting warm, excuse
me, John, really I cannot help it. • A tree
bearing such fruits, was—stop I listen to the
word of the Son of God: « every good, tree
bringeth forth good fruit; but a corrupt tree
bringeth forth evil frnlt. A good tree can-
not bring forth evil fruit} neither can a cor-
rupt tree bring forth good fruit. Therefore
by their fruits ye Bhall know them." I tell
you, John, the whele movement was wrong,
wrong. Prom seed to fruit, from beginning
to ending, wrong I It lies now prostrate up-
on the earth, this Upas—alas, if any of its
poisonous exhalation should still infect the
air; cumbering the continent with its ruins.
And we know the hand that smote it down.
Listen. M Every tree that bringeth not forth
good fruit is hewn down and cast into the
fire."
With all kindness, John, respecting you as
a man no more apt to err than I am, I have
tried to show, as well as I can in such brief
space, that you should not be so positively
confident you have done nothing to repent of
as wrong in going into Secession. To this
end I have pointed out some of the powerful
influences to whish it is but human vou
should have yielded ; have reminded you in
order to shake your confidence in your pres-
ent position, how very often, how invariably,
you have, as you freely acknowledge, been
wrong in this very matter before. And, to
prove that Secession was a criminal enter-
prise, however sincere you have been and are
in regard to it, I have enumerated its incep-
tion, its spirit, the two objects had in view
by it, its fruits. I think you are too truthful
a man, John, to attempt any evasion of all
this by saying that all I have urged can be
equally asserted of the other side in the late
great battle of brothers. Such is not the
case, and you know it. ' And, if, in any de-
gree Union men North and South have been
made guilty men by the war—poor consola-
tion to us in tbat. We who fired the first
shot, who began the strife are, then, doubly
guilty, chargeable not only with our own
sins in the matter, but, in a sense, with those
sins we have fired other men into committing.
Being au officer in our church, John, you re-
member even better than myself that old
scripture about the mote in yonr brother's
and the beam in your own. First cast the
beam out of thine own eye : and then shalt
thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of
tby brother's eye. Not tbat I say we are
wholly guilty, and the North wholly innocent.
Not at all. Only I am vastly more interested
in ascertainjug and repenting of our own sins
than I am 4P>ut theirs. I leave the North to
its own conscience, to the verdict of history,
to the judgment, and, if need be, to tbe chas-
tisement of Heaven I
The last thing I will say, John, is this:
just so lODg as you hold that you have
done nothing wrong in going into Seces-
sion, it is impossible for you to be a
loyal citiaen of this Government. Look
Bquarely at it. We both agree that it is at
once tbe right and the duty of every govern-
ment to punisb, according to law, tbe guilty,
but only the guilty. If it habitually punish-
es, as guilty, tbe ibnocent, it is a horrid des-
potism, to which we neither owe a or should
pay allegiance. Now, the United States Gov-'
ernment has fined, imprisoned and, upon tbe
battlefield, put to death vast numbers of men
solely for engaging in Secession. It bas been
deliberately doing this for years. Now, it
avows its settled purpose to continue doing
the same thing jast so long as Secession may
be actively persisted in. If, as I hold, Seces-
sion be a crime, then tbe Government is here-
in but doing its bounden duty. But, if, as
you hold, there is nothing criminal in Seces-
sion then, the United States authorities are
but an organized gang of tbugs, making a
regular business of robbing, imprisoning,
murdering, for years now, innocent men.—
With such views, John, I couldn't and
would'nt be loyal to tbe Government. No,
sir, Brazil, Patagonia, tbe Arctic continent
rather. That is the way Baffin, who flred
the first gun in this war, reasoned. Rather
than live under such a Government, he rushed
out of the world; by a deliberate shot, from
the last gun of the war, blowing his own
head to pieces. Risking to endure rather the
justice of tbe Almighty in eternity, than the
injustice of the Government, as he and you
esteem it, in time. Yes, John, J would live
any where, in thú world at least, rather than
under a Government which has punished, is
punishing, intends punishing men whom, if I
held your views, I woHld regard as men per-
fectly innocent, guilty of nothing wrong
whatever, worthy, rather, of all reward.
You say you cannot get away, are compell-
ed against your wishes to remain. At least,
John, never degrade your manhood by ceas-
ing to tbe utmost of your power to oppose a
Government, which, on your ground, is the
monster of injustice it is. If you are sincere
in denying the fact that there is any thing to
be repented of in going into Secesión, your
language is this: " I believe this hour, as
much as I* ever did, even in the bright-
est moment of tbe Confederacy, tbat
Secession is a thing right and good and true.
If I could overthrow tbe United States Gov-
ernment and sweep the last vestige of it from
6Unchanged in head and heart, I am simply,
te victim of brute force, powerless in hand.
ut"resistence to wrong is obedience to God,"
and, what I can do against the United Sutes
Government, so long as life lasts I will do.—
Hold office under it I Swear to be loyal to
It ' Never I never 11 Let men devoid of
principle and conscience shut their eyea to
the facts of the case. Let hypocrites feign
what really, with myself, they abhor. Let
the craven hearted kneel to overwhelming
force. For me, my soul at least Is free.
Since Providence hat ordained me the afflic-
tion of being under the United States Gov-
ernment, I must obey its laws, pur its taxes,
submit to iu authority; but be l al to it in
tho sense of being a contented, loving cltisen
thereof ? As soon ask that or a Pole in ref-
erence to Russia, an Hungarian in reference
to Austria t Never. As to holding ottce
under it, I would perish first."
Yery sublime, indeed, John, if I did not
know it is all mainly excited feeling. " Hang
reasoning 1" you said the other day," the
man that stops to reason when his seotion is
concerned would higgle about the right and
the wrong when even his own mother is in-
volved I" Alas, John Smith, is not our first
allegiance due to right an i truth? Whas
says tbe incarnate right and truth: " he that
loveth father and mother more than me. It
not worthy of me." Devotion to this and to
that and to the other Is natural, Is right, but
only so far as suoh devotion comes not in
collision with the supreme devotion we owe
to God, for whom truth and right are but
other names. Neither the best loved relative,
nor our own life itself, much less tbe peculiar
acre, or so, we happen to be born and live
upon, can take precedence of that. It la that
we must consider man. And you know it.
It Is feeling, man, mere feeling of the moment.
We all know how deeply yeu felt when the
first Mrs. Smith died, *ad how, in the agony
of yonr feelings, you vowed you could never
love again. Yet you seem quite happy with
the present Mrs, Smith. Wait a little, John,
you'll get over the death of your Confederacy
yet, depend upon it. Yes, and give your af-
fections to a nobler love, even your first flame,
tbe Union. If your feelings ar* your princi-
ples, try Brazil, John. I would hate to part
with yon, but you see how it Is. Feelings
are gusty things and might whirl you into
trouble before you ksow it I The Govern-
ment of this land regards Secession as a
crime. As sure as you live, it will not tolo-
rato it any mora during lb* (atuN thou It has
done during tbe last four years. Heaven
forbid, but you may find out, from personal
experience, tbat it is the minister of God; a
terror to, those whom it regards as, evil
doers : bearing not tbe sword in vain f
It is no argument, I know, but never think,
John, you beloag-to a class which shall yet
dominate this land. No, sir. What with
tbe multitude wbo go blindly with the cur-
rent, the hypocrites wbo will feign loyalty, the
'its coming daily to
b grees, from refasing to speak to a Union man j tbe soil of the South and of the earth, I
, down to bis cold-blooded «laughter in the | would. I do not only because I cannot.— |
many sincere Secessionists
see how wrong they have been, what with a
vast immigration from the North and Europe,
and the coming on of tbe next generation,
the sect of Secessionists is waning tremen-
dously. Imagine the question put to tbe
tbe vote of the people to-day 1 If you con-
tinue to bold your views, in a very few years
you will bo a curiosity in the land, a Rip Yan
Winkle ages behind the times, the Dodo,
John, and tbe Apteryx of our extinct species.
.Go not down muttering, to your unhappy
grave, against, not men so much, as egainst,
that Being wbo has decided events as He bas:
your very children entreating you to hold
your tongue while you live; and concealing,
as much as tbey can, your having held such
views when you are dead.
Retire to yourself somewhere, John Smith,
my dear John, cool down, you have been
overheated four years, now, reconsider the
whole question. I don't want you to adopt
any new fangled notions i what I wish Is to
see you bold once again tbe very decided
views of the Union, aye, and of ditunion too,
you held all your life up to tbe year 1861.—
Come back, man, to the same notion you had
of Secession aod disunion before your " blood
got up," yes, got up out of your heart into
four head.. Rekindl? lour ancb At devotion
o the Union and It# starry flag, a thousand
times worthier
yon but knew it, John, than ever before.
Seize with a hero's hand upon yonr pride,
prejudice passion and throttle them. A victor
over yourself, with a nobler conquest than
Alexander ever attained, extend a frank hand
to tbe Government of your fathers and of
your children, and say: " I was wrong in
Soing into the rebellion, I was honest in it,
ut I was wrong!" Only the loyalty to It or
a ooward, or a hypocrite, or an unreasoning
John Smith until you can say that I
I am in dead earnest with you, John, I long,
old friend, to be on tbe same frank footing
with yon now that we were before this earth-
quake heaved ns asunder. For mv Ufe I
connot think with you tbat Secession was
not a wrong thing. God grant yon may come
conscientiously to see it as I ao. Tbat di-
vine Being, who, treading down Secession
under his awful feet, has raised this great
nation to its present power and splendor,
doubtless bas a glorious work for it to do for
Him and man upon this continent, and over
the world. If possible, since the nation is
but tbe aggregate of its oitieens, I want your
band and your heart with us, John. A warm
hearted, energetic, intelligent, honest man as
Sou are, we cannot spare you, John. God
elp you to believe in, approve of, heartily
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The Weekly Southern Intelligencer. (Austin City, Tex.), Vol. 1, No. 10, Ed. 1 Friday, September 8, 1865, newspaper, September 8, 1865; Austin, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth182337/m1/1/?q=hamilton+county: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.