The La Grange Journal. (La Grange, Tex.), Vol. 21, No. 36, Ed. 1 Thursday, August 30, 1900 Page: 2 of 8
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(Tfye Jfa Grange Journal
B. t. Iwiwi, rnfMa.
LA ORANGE,
TEXAS.
EVENTS OF EVERYWHERE.
Shreveport, l*. h*i • »i5,ooo flr* MEASURES POPULISTS AND DEMOCRATS AGREE ON.
Imperialism is Again Presented as the Paramount Issue, But
the Trusts Come in for Lengthy Discussion—Prosperity
Contentions of the Republicans Shown to Be a De-
lusion and a Snare—The Farmer Robbed and
the Capitalist Protected.
The Colombian civil war la nearing
ita end. r j -
New York vestmakere won their
■ft***------- . . ii ■ ‘| i ii ii sesi.....—a—a
A monument to the late Senator
Vance waa unvoted at Hal
kotfJmV
to death with a hammer In New York,
mettled.
< The ateamer 8t. Louis carried 128,000
ounces of silver
Liverpool.
from New York to
While resisting jkireat, Lee Moore,
colored, waa shot to death at Junction
City, Arfc. jj|^ U
Last year 2400 duels were fought In
the Italian army, from which 4S0
deaths resulted.
* It Is estimated that the damage
mauaed by the foreet flies In Colorado
and Wyoming will amount to $10,000,-
000.
Somewhere between Chicago and
Burlington, la., a package In charge of
the Adams Express company Is alleged
to have gone estray.
The Berlin Ia»kal Anzelger an-
nounces the engagement of Queen Wil-
helmlna to Prince Frederick Adolph of
Mecklenberg-Schwerln.
A contract for four steel steamships
to ply In the Atlantic and gulf coast
trade was given the American Ship-
building company by a syndicate of
New York capitalists.
While In bathing at Old Orchard,
Me., John B. Clough, clerk of courts at
Memphis, Tenn., was seriously injured
by a wave. The physicians say that It
Is a very peculiar case.
Operations were resumed at all the
factories of the National Glass com-
pany (tableware combination at Pitts-
burg, Pa.) The resumption gives em-
ployment to 4000 men.
George Hudgins and Ike Chandler,
well diggers, while digging a well at
Hot Springs, Ark., were suffocated.
Chandler was endeavoring to rescue
Hudgins.
^ At Philadelphia, while frightening a
■ crowd of negroes by pretending she
■ was a ghost, Florence Almond, aged J5
* years, was struck on the head with a
brick thrown by one of the negroes
aad killed.
A mob was formed In Warwick coun-
ty, Indiana, to take James D. Krlth
from the Booneville Jail and lynch him.
‘He was spirited away to Evansville.
He la charged with the murder of Miss
Nora Kiefer.
George Cabot Lodge' son of Senator
'llenry Cabot Lodge, end Miss Matilda
Frellnghuysen Davis, the daughter ol
Judge John Davis of the court of
Malms, Washington, D. C., were mar-
ried at the Episcopal Church of th«
Advent in Boston.
The entire plant of the Kelley Axe
Manufacturing company, at Alexan-
dria. lnd., valued at $800,000, was de-
atroyed by Are. This was the largest
axe factory In the world, employing
800 or 1000 men when running at tull
force.
Sol Bloom, a Chicago music pub-
lisher, brought suit for $50,000 damages
against the Union restaurant and ho
tel In Randolph street ft>r refusing to
aerve him while he waa elkd in a shirt
waist and minus a roat
William H. Lawrence, one of the
original negro minatrela and the pos-
sessor of one of the most tuneful tenor
voices ever heard on the stage, died In
Chicago of Bright s disease, aged 69
yean.
JM i U | /
‘BRYAN TO POPULISTS
What He Said in Reply to Notification of His
Nomination for the Presidency.
Iron Front Restanrant,
Z Henry Pa^ro^etor.
. m « a » _ '
rxa
* y-ffl
XdLLKNT meals, from the bast the
X-imarket affords, clean, rich aad dslloiou*,
KBS 9iX*“"J
Game Whan in Seaton.
Let the epleureea come sod be m«
'«*•*
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rws ssB-*
YEARS'
Coe*eioMTB dtfr
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Stef
Mr. Chairman and Members of the
Notification Committee;
in accepting the presidential nom-
ination which you tender on behalf
of the populist party, 1 desire to give
emphatic recognition to the educa-
tional work done by your party. The
populist party as an organization, and
the farmer alliances and the labor or-
ganizations from which they sprung,
have done much to arouse the people
to a study of econmlc and Industrial
questions. Believing, as 1 do, that
truth grows, not in seclusion but In
the open field, and that It thrives nest
In the sunlight of full and free debate.
1 have confidence that the discussion
which your party has compelled will
aid In reaching that true solution of
pending problems towurd which all
honest citizens aim.
I desire also to express my deep
appreciation of the liberality of opin-
.ion and devotion to principle which
have lead the members of your party
to enter the ranks of another party In
the selection of a candidate.
While I am grateful for the confi-
dence which the populists have ex-
pressed in me. 1 am not vain enough
to regard as personal their extraordi-
nary manifestations of good will. The
ties which bind together those who
believe In the same great fundamental
principles are stronger than ties of
affection—stronger even than the ties
of blood; and co-operation between
the reform forces Is due to the fact
that democrats, populists and sliver
republicans take the side of the peo-
ple In their contest against greed, and
agree In the application of Jefferson-
ian principles to the questions Imme-
diately before us.
In 1896 the money question was of
paramount Importance and the allies
In that campaign united in the de-
mand for the Immediate restoration of
allver by ths Independent action of
annihilation which now threatens It.
The republican party Is now com-
mitted to a currency question which
necessitates a perpetual debt, whlls
the populist finds himself in agree-
ment with the democrats, who believe
in payng off the national debt as rap-
idly as possible.
If belief in an Income tax Justified
a populist iu acting with the demo-
cratic parly In 1896, wha* excuse can
l e find fc- aiding the republican party
now when even the exigencies of war
have not been sufficient to bring that
party lo the support of the income
tax pr uriple?
I'i pu'..»ts believe in aroltratlon now
as him Is as they did in 1896, and are
us much opposed to government by
injunction und the black lLt as they
were then, and upon these subjects
they he vi as much reasou for cc. oper-
adon w.th the democratic puity to-
day as they had four years ago.
Democrats und populists alike favor
the principle of direct legislation. If
any differences exist as to the extent
to which the principle should be ap-
plied, these differences can be recon-
ciled by experiment.
Democrats and populists agree that
Chinese and other oriental labor
should be excluded from the United
States.
Democrats and populists desire to so
enlarge the scope of the interstate
commerce act as to enable tne com-
mission to protect both persons and
places from discrimination, and the
public at large from excessive rail-
road rateB.
The populists approve the demand
set forth In the democratic platform
for a labor bureau, with a cabinet offi-
cer at Its head. 8uch an official would
keep the administration in close touch
with the wage earning portion of the
population, and go far toward secur-
' sr
>•
\\
this country at sixteen to one, the ra-
tio which has existed since 1884. They
were defeated but that did not end
the discussion. The democrats were
defeated In 1888, but that did not put
an end to tariff reform. The repub-
licans were defeated in 1892, but that
dtd not permanently overthrow the
protective tariff. Defeat at the polls
does not necessarily decide a great
problem. Experience and experience
alone settles questions. If an increase
In ths volume of the currency since
1896, although unpromised by the re-
publicans and unexpected, nos Drought
Improvement in Industrial conditions,
this Improvement, Instead of answer-
ing the arguments put forth in favor
of bimetallism, only confirms tne con-
tention of those who Insisted that
more money would make better times.
The republican party, however,
while claiming credit for the increase
In circulation, makea no permanent
provision for an adequate supply of
standard money. It denies the neces-
sity for mare real money wnile It per-
mits nations, banks to expand the
volume of paper promises to pay
money. ' <■ ' ■ * 1 ' ■
If the populists felt Justified In op-
posing the republican party when It
sought to conceal Its gold standard
tendencies under the mask of inter-
national bimetallism, tne opposithfli
should be more "pronounced in propor-
tion as the republican party more
openly espouses gold monometallism.
In 189* the reform forces enarged
the republican party with Intending
to retire the greenbacks. This charge,
denied at'that time, has been con-
fessed by the financial hill, which con-
verts greenbacks, , when once re-
deemed. Into gold Certificates. and ex-
tends new privileges to banks of Issue.
If a populist opposed the republican
party when Its hostilities to green-
backs waa only suspected, .nat oppo-
sition should be greater now, s nee
no one can longer doubt the purpose
of the republican party to substitute
bank notes foe greenbacks.
It Is true that the populists believe
In sn Irrldtiemable’ greenback while
the democrats- beGfrvwJs n greenback
redeqmaV>e Id coin; but the vital quea-
tfofi at this tlnifti, ‘so tar as paper
money Is concerned, is- whether gov-
ffTeJKT^
wilt We time enough to discuss' ttte fp.
deemabtllty of the greenback when
the greenback Itsttt In saved from the
pend production and fix the price of
raw material as well as the price of the
flnlrhed product the farmer, powerless
to protect himself when he sells, Is
plundered when he purchases. Can
any farther hesitate to throw the In-
fluence of Ms ballot upon the side of
those who desire to protect the public
i.t large from the monopolies?
The fact that the trusts support the
republican party ought to he sufficient
proof that they expect protection from
it. The republican party cannot be
relied upon lo extinguish the trusts
so !ong as it draws Us campaign con-
tribution from their overflowing
vaults.
The prosperity argument which the
republicans bring forward to answer
all complaints against the administra-
tion will not deceive the farmer. He
knows that two factors enter Into his
Income. First, the size of his crop,
and. second, the price which he re-
ceives for the same. He does not re-
turn thanks to the party In power for
favorable weather and a bountiful
harvest, and he knows that the re-
publican party has no policy which In-
sures a permanent Increase In agricul-
tural prices. Since he sells his aur-
plus In a foreign market, he Is not a
beneficiary of the tariff, and since he
i roduces merchandise and not money,
he does not profit by the appreciation
of the dollar. He knows that the
much-vaunted prosperity, of which he
has never had his share, is on the
wane In apite of the unusual and un-
natural stimulation which It has re-
ceived during the InBt three year*. He
knows that each month of 1900 shows
a larger number of failures than the
corresponding month of 1899, and that
taere Is already a marked tendency
toward a decrease In the output of the
factories. He knows, also, that dis-
coveries of gold, famines abroad and
war on three continents have not been
able to raise the price of farm products
as rapidly as trusts and combinations
have raised the price of the things
which the farmer buys.
Our opponents have tried to make
it appear that we are inconsistent
when we desire a general rise In prices
and yet oppose an arbitrary rise In
protected manufactures or trust-made
log such, remedial legislation as the
tollers need.
In 1896 the populist* united with
the democrats In opposing the trasta,
although ths quevlon at that time
appeared liks a cloud scar-ivy larger
than a Ban’s hand. Today that eloud
wsll nigh overspreads the IndBatrlal
shy. The farmer does not participate
in ths profits of any trust, but he
sorely feels the burden of tbem all.
He is dependent upon the season for
his Income. When he plants his crop
he knows not whether It will be
blessed with rain or blighted with
drouth; he knows not whether wind
will blow It down or hall destroy It.,
or insects devour It, and the price of
his crop Is as uncertain as the quan-
tity. If a private monopoly can sus-
goods. There Is no conflict whatever
between these two propositions. If a
general rise In prlcas occurs because
of a permanent increase In the volume
of money, all things adjust tuemselves
to the new level, and if (lie volume of
money then increaaaa In proportion
to the demand for money the price
level remains the same and business
can bs done with fairness to all. if,
however, the rise Is arbitrary, and
only affects a part of the products of
labor, those whose products do not
participate In the riae suffer because
the purchasing power of tbetr Income
is decreased. It a bad monetary sys-
tem drags down the price of the
farmers' products, while monopolies
raise the price of what he buys, he
burns the candle at both ends and
must expect to suffer In comparison
with those who belong to tu* classes
more tavored by legislation.
It i« sometimes urged by partisan
populists that four years more or re-,
publ'tnn misrule would so aggravate
economic conditions as to make re-
forms easier. No one can afford to
aid in making matters worse in tne
hope of being able to make them bet-
ter afterward, for in so doing he as-
sumes the responsibility for evils
which he may not be able to remedy.
No populist, however sanguine, be-
lieves it possible to elect a populist
president at this time, but the popu-
list may be able to determine whether
a democrat or a republican will be
elected. Mr. Chairman, the populist
convention, which your committee rep-
resents, thought It better to share with
the democrats In the honor of secur-
ing some of the reforms desired by
your party, than to bear the odium
of remaining neutral In this great
crisis, or of giving open or secret aid
to the republican party which opposes
all the reforms for which the popu-
lists contend.
Those who labor to Improve the
conditions which surround their fel-
low men are apt to become Impatient;
but they must remember that It takes
time to work out great reforms. Let
me illustrate by calling your atten-
tion to the slow growth of public
opinion In gupport of a proposition
to which there has been practically
no open opoeitlon. President John-
son, In 1868, recommended a Constitu-
tional amendement providing for the
election of United States senator by
a direct vote of the people, but hfs
recommendation met with no re-
sponse. About twelve years later,
General Weaver^ then a member of
congress, tried to eecure the passage
of a resolution submitting such an
amendment, but his efforts were fu-
tile. In 1892 the resolution recom-
mended by President Johnson and
urged by Congressman Weaver finally
passed the house of representatives,
but It has not yet reached a vote In
the senate. And now after eight
years more of public discussion the
proposition for the first receives the
endorsement of the national conven-
tion of one of the great parties.
If the fusion forces win a victory
this fall, we shall see this reform ac-
complished before the next presiden-
tial election, and with Its accomplish-
ment the people will find It easier to
secure any remedial legislation which
they may desire. But how halting
has been the progress! Holland has
said:
"lfeaven Is not gained by a single
bound.
We build the ladder by which we
rise,
From the lowly earth to the vaulted
skies,
And we mount to Its summit round
by round ”
And so It Is with great social and
political movements.
Great problems are qolved slowly,
but struggling fiumanity marches on.
step by step, content If at each night-
fall It can pitch Its tent on a little
higher ground.
I have called attention to the is-
sues which hgve brought the demo-
crats and pCpullsts together and
which have Justified their co-opera-
tion during the last four years. Let
me now Invite your attention to new
questions which would Justify co-op-
eration at this time even though we
differ upon all economic questions.
It Is not our fault that these new
questions have been thrust Into the
arena of politics; It Is not our fault
that the people have been called upon
to consider questions of ever Increas-
ing magnitude. In 1890 the tariff
question was the principal subject of
discussion, and the democratic party
contended that the masses were car-
rying a burden of unjust and unnec-
essary taxes. It 1892 the tariff ques-
tion was still the principal Issue be-
tween the democratic and republican
parties, although in the west and
south the money question was assum-
ing greater and greater proportions,
and the populists were contending
that our monetary system was more
responsible than the tariff laws for
the depression In agriculture and the
distress existing among the wage
earners. In 1896 the whole question
of taxation became of secondary im-
portance because of the Increased
boldness of those who opposed the
gold and silver coinage of the con-
stitution. When the republicans de-
clared at St. Louis that the restora-
tion of bimetallism in this country,
although desirable, was impossible
without the aid of the leading com-
mercial nations of the old world, the
populists and silver republican* Join-
ed with the democrats In asserting
the right and duty of the American
people to shape their financial sys-
tem for themselves, regardless of the
action of other nations. The failure
of the republican' party to secure In-
ternational bimetallism and Its open
espousal of the gold standard, still
keep the money question In politics,
hut no economic question can com-
pare In Importance with a question
which, concerns ths principle and
structure of government. Systems of
taxation can bs changed with lets
difficulty than financial systems, and
financial systems can bs altered with
and Isas disturbance to
ths country than the vital doctrines
upon which free government rests.
In ths early statles. when we were
engaged In a contest which was to de-
termine whether we should have tone
republic or two, questions of finance
were lost sight of. Silver waa at a
premium over gold, and both gold and
silver were at a premium over green-
backs and bank notes, but the people
could not afford to divide over the
money question In the preaenoe of a
greater Issue. AM so today we are
engaged In a controversy which will
determine whether we are to have a
republic In which the government de-
rives its Just powers from the con-
sent of the governed, or an empire In
which brute force Is the only recog-
nized source of pqwer
In a government where the people
rule, every wrong can he righted and
every evil remedied, but when once
the doctrine of self-government la Im-
paired and might is substituted for
right there Is no certainty that any
question will be settled correctly.
A colonial policy would so occupy
the people with the consideration of
tho nation's foreign policy that do-
mestic questions would be neglected.
"Who will haul down the flag?” or
“Stand by the president,” would be
the prompt response to every criti-
cism of the administration, and cor-
ruption and special privilege would
thrive under the cover of patriot-
ism.
It Is not strange that the populists
should oppose militarism and impe-
rialism, for both are antagonistic to
the principles which the populists ap-
ply to other questions. Looking at
questions from the standpoint of the
producer of wealth, rather than from
the standpoint of the speculator, the
populist recognizes in militarism a
constant and Increasing burden. The
army worm, which occasionally de-
stroys a field of wheat, is not nearly
so dangerous an enemy to tne farmer
as a large standing army, which ln-
vides every field of Industry and ex-
acts toll from every crop.
If 100,000 men are withdrawn from
the ranks of the producers and placed
as a burden upon the backs of those
who remain, It must mean longer
hours, harder work and greater sac-
rifice for those who toll, and the
farmer, while he pays more than his
share of the expenses of the army,
has no part In army contracts or in
developing companies, and his sons
are less likely to fill the life positions
in the army than the sons of those
who, by reason of wealth or politi-
cal prominence, exert Influence at
Washington.
Soon after the Republican leaders
began to suggest the propriety of a
colonial policy, the papers published
an interview given out from San Fran-
cisco by a foreign consul residing at
Manila. He declared that the people
of the United States owed It to them-
selves, to other nations, and to the
Philippine Islands per&anently. At
the conclusion of the Interview there
appeared the very significant state-
ment that the gentleman was visiting
the United States for the purpose of
organizing a company for the devel-
opment of the Philippine Islands. A
few days later on nis way east he
gave out another interview In which
he explained that the company which
he intended to organize would estab-
lish banks at Manila, and at other
places throughout the islands, and
build electric light plants, water
plants, street car lines, railroads, fac-
tories, etc. It seemed that the plan
of his syndicate was to do all the
developing and leave the rest of the
American people nothing to do In the
matter except to furnish an army suf-
ficient to hold the Filipinos in sub-
jection while they were being devel-
oped.
At the present rate we will spend
annually upon the army approximate-
ly half as much as we spend for edu-
cation in the United States, and this
Immense sum Is wrung from the tax
payors by systems of taxation which
overburden the poor man and under
tax the rich man.
In the presence of such an issue as
militarism It is impossible that any
Populist should hesitate as to his
duty.
But even the menace of militarism
is but part of the question of imper-
ialism. The policy contemplated by
the Republican party nultfles every
principle set forth In the Declaration
of Independence, strikes a blow at
popular government and robs the na-
tion of Its moral prestige. Already
the more advanced supporters of the
colonial Idea point to the economy of
a system of government which en-
trusts all power to an executive und
does away with the necessity for legis-
lation. Tho Army and Navy Journal,
In Its Issue of August 4, commends
the English system and declares that
as a result of this system a fifth tof
the world’s area, containing a fifth
of itB population, Is ruled with an ad-
ministrative economy which 'Is an ad-
ministrative marvel, and adds:
"One million two hundred thousand
dollars spent in London Is the price
of administrative order over a colon-
ial rule whose total budgets aggre-
gate $1,724,354,896, or fifty per cent
more than our total of federal, state,
county and village expenditure for
every possible purpose, for which tax-
es are levied. In contrast to the re-
sults of this system of executive ad-
ministration, the fact Is cited that the
American congress has spent an en-
tire winter wrestling with the tariff,
the taxation, the administration and
the personal rights of the two little
Islands. The English executive Is an
Imperial Executive. The British
Parliament is an English Legislature.
To the same system we are coming
by the decree of circumstances as In-
evitable as that of fate. If this be
Imperialism make the most of'it. So
far as citizenship Is concerned the,
the British empire Is one. but beyond
the limits of the United Kingdom the
citizen lives under a rule essentially
monarchist and not restricted by the
constitutional limitations of the par-
liamentary system.”
Thus does Imperialism bear Its sup-
porters hack toward the dark age*.
Thera Is 410 middle ground between
the American policy and the Euro-
pean policy. If thla nation remains
true to Ita principles, ita traditions
and Its history, R cannot hold colo-
nies. If it eaten upon a colonial ca-
erned.
When such an Ii
can only be two
whatever Its name may ha, whtak £1 :
lleves In a repubUc, and the party
whatever Its name, which believes la
au empire; and the Influence of every
cltlien Is, consciously or unconadoes-'
ly, intentionally or unintentionally
thrown upon the one side or the
other.
Where the divine right of kings is
recognised, the monarch can gram
different degrees of liberty to differ-
ent subjects. The people of England
can be ruled In one way, the people
of Canada In another, the people of
Ireland In another, while the people
of India may be governed according
to still different forma. But there can
be no such variety In a republic. The
doctrine of a republic differs from the
doctrine of a monarch, as the day dif-
fers from the night, and between the
two doctrines there la. and ever must
be, an Irrepressible conflict.
Queen Victoria has recognised this
necessary antagonism between the
Democratic and Imperial form of gov-
ernment. In proroguing parliament a
few days ago, she said:
“Believing that the continued po-
litical Independence of the republics
would be a constant danger to the
peace of South Africa, 1 authorized
the annexation of the Orange Free
State.”
A republic Is always a menace t*
a monarch, Just, as truth is always a
meanco to error. Self-government,
being the natural government, must
necessarily create dlssastlsfactlon
among the subjects of those govern-
ments which build upon some other
foundation than the consent of the
governed. What the Orange Free
State and the Transvaal republics are
to South Africa, our republic is to.
the world, and only our increasing
strength and the wide Atlantic have
protected us from the Inextinguishable
hostility which must exist between
those who support a throne and those
who recognize the citizen as the sov-
ereign.
Every step taken toward imperial-
ism by this nation meets with prompt
and effusive encouragement from Eu-
rope. Lincoln pointed to the lnt«rwf|
which European nations have In the
abandonment here of the doctrine of
equal rlghta. He said;
“Tha principles of Jefferson are the
definitions and axioms of free society.
And yet they are denied and evaded,
with no small show of success. One-
dashingly calls thsm ‘glittering gen-
eralities;’ another bluntly calls them
‘self-evident lies.' And others tnsld-
uously argue that they apply to ‘su-
perior races.' These expressions, dif-
fering in form, are Identical In object
and effect—the supplanting the prin-
ciples of free government, and restor-
ing those of classification, caste,
legitimacy. They would delight at
convocation of crowned heads plotting;
against the people. They are the van-
guard. the miners and sappers of re-
turning despotism. We must repulse:
them or they will subjugate us."
Our opponents say that the world!
would laugh at us If we would give
independence to the Filipinos. Yes,
kings would laugh, aristocrats would
laugh, and thofe would tough ^h»
deny the inalienable rights of men;
and despise the humbler folk who>
"along the cool, sequestered vale of
life, Veep the fidieeleee tenor of their
way,” but let this nation stand erect,
and, spurning the bribes of wealth and.
power, show that there Is a nobility
In the principles which we profess; lei
It show that there Is a difference be-
tween a republic and a monarchy, and
the opporessed In every land will sea
In our flag the hope of their own de-
liverance, and, whether they are bleed-
ing upon the battlefield or groaning
beneath a tyrant’s lash, will raise
their eyes toward heaven and breathes
fervent prayer for the safety of our
republic. I
- i
Her Dos Colter Belt.
Young women frequently wear belts
that were manufactured to go around
the necks of dogs. They show thus
how slender their waists are, a dog
being big enough to clasp them. Phil-
osophers can dig out no other reason
for this fad. In Philadelphia the otuer
day a young woman wore an engraved
dog collar belt which she had bor-
rowed for the time from her father’s
tiff. The engraving was of a mas-
tiff's head, and around It ran the
words: "I am John Brown's do*.
Whose dog are you?” Smiles and
sneers were handed out to the young
woman from those who read the belt,
and she appeared to be delighted with
the attention she was winning.
UborTa L#etar« Tour.
The principal object of Maltre La-
bor i's lecturing tour of the United
States next winter. It is said, Is to re-
cuperate his fortunes, destroyed be-
yond repair in France by his connec-
tion with the Dreyfus case. Not only
did his defense of the persecuted cap-
tain bring him no return for his serv-
ices, but lost for him his expenses,
his neglected clients and any prospect
of professional success In the future on
account of the unpopularity of his suc-
cess In the “grande affaire.”
, '.( i ■■ ,'tdr-
Nnthln* la It.
An old Chicago detective says:
“Don’t take any stock in stories of
people being chloroformed In open
rooms by burglars. Chloroform In an
open room Is no more effective than
It would be out of doors. Ita unpleas-
ant odor usually awakes sleepers and
keeps them awake.”
Only Two VmtU
Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmee prophe-
sied that there would be only one sur-
vivor of the Harvard class of ’29 by the
end of the century. He came near it,
for there are only two—Charles Storer
Storrow, of Boston, and.Dr.' Edward
JLinzeo Cunningham, of Newport. R. *•
The OaekwsFs Son «t OrrnrtS.
TW dldMffeotr tb* OnAwsr iff B*
of a regiment of cavalry In the army
of the Haroda state.
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The La Grange Journal. (La Grange, Tex.), Vol. 21, No. 36, Ed. 1 Thursday, August 30, 1900, newspaper, August 30, 1900; La Grange, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth997583/m1/2/?q=Lamar+University: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Fayette Public Library, Museum and Archives.